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take to affirm, until the organic framework of our representation is materially altered. Is the pension of some twentieth cousin twice removed of some peer or illustrious commoner presumed to be in peril before a committee appointed by parliament to revise or remove that great national abomination ?-then how grand is the stir,--how delicate the attention shown,-how earnest the desire of alleviating sensibility,-how full and perfect is the reparation afforded. But for those rivers of tears which poverty or toil is shedding every night in secret,--for those countless groans, amongst working millions, which, could they be blended into one, and conducted to the proper point, would rend the roof of the House of Commons--for all these, we repeat it, the effective actual sympathy may be summed up as a positive nothingness! Take as recent instances, the bill for suspending an eighteen penny duty upon the Duke of Marlborough's allowance from the Post-office, a sinecure which has paid his family out of the national funds £650,000 in the last 130 years,-as compared with the treatment shown towards the complaint of certain parties, imprisoned like common felons, previous to trial for political offences. Contrast the £70,000 for stables at Windsor, with the £30,000 for the education of sixteen millions; a grant extorted by the miserable majority of two for the welfare of a population so sunk in ignorance, that a fanatic could raise adherents, and lead them to destruction, under the fullest impression, first that he was Sir William Courteney,--then that he was Baron Rothchild,—then that he was the Earl of Devon,-and, lastly, that he was the Saviour of the world : all this too, be it never forgotten, in the neighbourhood of the wealthiest archiepiscopal metropolis of the richest established church in the world! And is it to be imagined that Chartism is departed, while things go on unmodified and unmitigated, -just because the scum of the first movements, the physical-force enthusiasts, have been committed to gaol, or transported to Australia ? Our readers may depend upon it, that it is far otherwise. A deep and dark mine of discontent is widening every moment under the platforms and bulwarks of our national prosperity. Ignorance, the real Guy Fawkes of the nineteenth century, with Riot, and Immorality, and neglected Pauperism, all in one conspiracy, are heaping up fearfully those explosive materials, which wait only for the train and match of an opportunity. Matters can never proceed in safety, for any length of time, should ancient abuses continue to be cherished, and necessary reforms be resisted. came into office upon pledges, which the middle and lower classes of this country will not tamely suffer to be played with, or frittered away. His grand measure was framed upon an acknowledged principle, that real and substantial representation was to be the pillar of government.

The result has been, that in

Earl Grey

They fasten upon some religious question, to sound it as a trumpet of war, for assembling their followers in the field, and to serve as a sort of apology for being there themselves. The new commutation of tithes has conferred on them an enormous pecuniary benefit. The ancient caricature is perhaps no longer applicable of the tail of a tithe-pig disappearing between the purple lips of some very reverend cathedral dignitary; but another portrait may well be drawn of a Church receiving into her coffers five millions sovereigns a year, and gravely protesting, in all the plenitude of professed disinterestedness, that she had just so many annual reasons for things continuing as they are !

Our retailers want the Ballot, nor can it be much longer withheld; but they desire it as a means to an end. They and the farmers are descending fast in the social scale from their being counted over by their customers and landlords, in every sharp contest, exactly as drivers count cattle at a fair. Conscience is made such a mere mockery in the matter, that the franchise is demoralizing, where it ought to purify. Shopkeepers as a class, from their circumstances, and cultivators of the soil from their destitution of knowledge, are peculiarly exposed to the worst influences of bribery or intimidation,

-or at least to what amounts to those evils. Having lost their self-respect in too many instances, through moral cowardice, the standard of honesty itself

, in other dealings or transactions, has been lowered down. Max. ims like that in Leviticus, Just balances, just weights, a just 'ephah, and a just hin shall ye have,' float often rather loosely upon the unstable waves of bitter expediency, instead of being grounded as they once were, in the very roots of the heart and conscience. The denunciation of St. James against those keeping back the fair wages of our husbandmen should often lead farmers to listen and tremble. Though the latter may plead, that they are squeezed by their proprietors, they squeeze most unmercifully in return. Indeed the dura ilia messorum have been proverbial, from the days of Horace to our own. But in this

way it is, that one mischief begets a score ; moral nuisances infest the enclosures of our cultivators, as well as the counters of our tradesmen ; and while they themselves groan, those beneath them complain still more, till the basement of the social pyramid rocks to its lowest foundations.

We have left ourselves little room for more than a glimpse at the operatives. Here are the hands and feet,—we may almost say the heart,-or every thing except the head-of the community. What a mass of souls and bodies,—of affections and sympathies,- of mortals doomed to labour, --of immortals destined to eternity! It must surely be admitted, that they have never hitherto received one hundredth portion of the attention which their circumstances deserve ; nor will they ever, we will under

character, is to be achieved, without an immense addition to the peerage, we profess ourselves utterly at a loss to conceive. The rule of the satirist is a good one,

Nec Deus intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodus; yet surely that precise nodus has now come to pass in our history. Were the crown to exert its prerogative, after a fashion befitting the occasion, one noble remedial act might invest our householders with that which, we must ever contend, the ancient constitution of these realms gave them. Taxation, heavy as it is, would be borne cheerfully when running parallel with representation ; or as nearly so as circumstances allow. Great fiscal changes would undoubtedly follow ; but that must be the case, do what we will. Our main desire is, that seeing these alterations to be inevitable, they may be brought about peaceably and not violently. Meanwhile Chartism diffuses itself rapidly; by which we mean not physical-force insanity, but the growing impression, that he who sits under his roof-tree, paying imposts whether directly or indirectly for the protection which the law affords him,--and who may be drawn at any moment to serve in the militia, or otherwise be obliged to act in defence of his country,—ought to have the elective franchise. Should this be granted in due season, with due wisdom, and in a gracious manner, all may yet be safe ; and although we look round, rather despondingly, we confess, for those able enough, and honest enough, to apply the only real remedy,—we pray God, that such may be yet raised up, in his own time and way, so as that our beloved land may subside from her present state of alarm, uneasiness, and uncertainty, into the smooth waters of progress, prosperity, and concord.

Brief Notices.

Memoirs of Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, and of the Court of Queen

Anne. By Mrs. A. T. Thomson. Two volumes 8vo. London: Henry Colborn. 1839.

It is remarkable, as Mrs. Thomson remarks, 'that both the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough, two persons who acquired in their lifetime as great a share of celebrity as any British subjects ever enjoyed, incurred a risk of not being commemorated, after their decease, by any connected and adequate work.' Archdeacon Coxe, in his able and elaborate Life of the hero of Blenheim has supplied this lack of service, 80 far as the duke is concerned, and the volumes now before us, will

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England nineteen, and in Ireland only five per cent, out of the adult male population, possess the franchise; whilst in that favoured electoral section of the community, not more than two-fifths are able to enjoy the suffrage, without being allured, corrupted, or intimidated by the purses, influence, and power of the aristocracy. The movement therefore must go forward ; since even a pause proves ruinous,—whilst to recede, is neither more nor less than to fall back upon revolution. We say, let our present, or any other cabinet, remain altogether deaf,--if they dare. It would be as though two poor creatures were dying through destitution, and there was to come into their abode some little, well-dressed, plausible, cunning-looking gentleman, who should thus accost them, after considerable investigation of their painful circumstances,— My friends, you are both in the worst possible condi'tion, with dissolution hard at hand; yet there grows a medicine * in your oron garden, which might cure each of you forthwith. * One hundred drops would afford you health and prosperity ; but ' of this balsam, I shall only permit you, John Bull, to take nine

teen; and you, Paddy, my boy, must be content with only five! '-nor is it of any use for either of you to complain about the

short allowance, for I am the son of your noble masters, a great • doctor of the state,--an orator, historian, and poet withal,- and 'I am called amongst men, the right honourable Lord John Finality.'

But as we mentioned some pages back, the question recurs, as to what ought to be done. We have demonstrated before in this journal, that an oligarchy, invested with irresponsible power, weighs down our best energies. Surrounded, as all must allow, we now are, with difficulties on every hand,-with the industrial classes foaming and chafing, like an ocean previous to a storm, with a monopoly in the Bank of England, deranging the most important of our commercial affairs, and provincial issues adding ad libitum to the currency of the country, with an Established Church anathematizing the Boards of Education on either side the Channel, and with the Corn Laws, about, if we mistake not, to develop the fullest mischiefs of their nature, -we repeat it, that amidst abuses unredressed, prices fluctuating, and governors either unfaithful or imbecile, our hope under Providence lies in the adjustment of the Houses of Parliament to the wants of the people. We must endeavour to procure, with the least possible delay, Household Suffrage and the Ballot, so that the best portion of our operatives may have a voice in the legislature, and all be protected in its exercise. We feel satisfied that by measures of this sort, the reasonable might be severed from the unreasonable; and so the force and momentum of the masses be drawn over from disorder to peace, or at least to present contentment. But how any extensive reform, either of an organic or practical

character, is to be achieved, without an immense addition to the peerage, we profess ourselves utterly at a loss to conceive. The rule of the satirist is a good one,

Nec Deus intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodas;

yet surely that precise nodus has now come to pass in our history. Were the crown to exert its prerogative, after a fashion befitting the occasion, one noble remedial act might invest our householders with that which, we must ever contend, the ancient constitution of these realms gave them. Taxation, heavy as it is, would be borne cheerfully when running parallel with representation ; or as nearly so as circumstances allow. Great fiscal changes would undoubtedly follow; but that must be the case, do what we will. Our main desire is, that seeing these alterations to be inevitable, they may be brought about peaceably and not violently. Meanwhile Chartism diffuses itself rapidly; by which we mean not physical-force insanity, but the growing impression, that he who sits under his roof-tree, paying imposts whether directly or indirectly for the protection which the law affords him,—and who may be drawn at any moment to serve in the militia, or otherwise be obliged to act in defence of his country,—ought to have the elective franchise. Should this be granted in due season, with due wisdom, and in a gracious manner, all may yet be safe ; and although we look round, rather despondingly, we confess, for those able enough, and honest enough, to apply the only real remedy,—we pray God, that such may be yet raised up, in his own time and way, so as that our beloved land may subside from her present state of alarm, uneasiness, and uncertainty, into the smooth waters of progress, prosperity, and concord.

Brief Notices.

Memoirs of Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, and of the Court of Queen

Anne. By Mrs. A. T. Thomson. Two volumes 8vo. London : Henry Colborn. 1839.

It is remarkable, as Mrs. Thomson remarks, that both the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough, two persons who acquired in their lifetime as great a share of celebrity as any British subjects ever enjoyed, incurred a risk of not being commemorated, after their decease, by any connected and adequate work.' Archdeacon Coxe, in his able and elaborate Life of the hero of Blenheim has supplied this lack of service, so far as the duke is concerned, and the volumes now before us, will

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