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condition of the poor considered.

and cheerfully adopted.' With a view of rendering this transition easier, and at the same time of making a useful distinction between those who are dependent on parish relief, and those who are not, I should think that one plan which Mr. Young proposes would be extremely eligible. This is "to pass an act prohibiting relief, so far "as subsistence is concerned, in any other man"ner

ner than by potatoes, rice, and soup, not merely "as a measure of the moment, but permanent

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ly." I do not think that this plan would necessarily introduce these articles as the common food of the lower classes; and if it merely made the transition to them in periods of distress easier, and at the same time, drew a more marked line than at present, between dependence and independence, it would have a very beneficial effect.

It is certainly to be wished that every cottage in England should have a garden to it, well stocked with vegetables. A little variety of food is in every point of view highly useful. Potatoes are undoubtedly a most valuable assistance, though I should be very sorry ever to see them the principal dependence of our laborers.

2 Question of Scarcity, &c. p. 80. This might be done, at least with regard to workhouses. In assisting the poor at their own homes, it might be subject to some practical difficulties.

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Different plans of improving the

As it is acknowledged that the introduction of milk and potatoes, or of cheap soups, as the general food of the lower classes of people, would lower the price of labor, perhaps some cold politician might propose to adopt the system, with a view of underselling foreigners in the markets of Europe. I should not envy the feelings which could suggest such a proposal. I really cannot conceive any thing much more detestable, than the idea of knowingly condemning the laborers of this country to the rags and wretched cabins of Ireland, for the purpose of selling a few more broad cloths and calicoes.' The wealth and power of nations

In this observation I have not the least idea of alluding to Mr. Young, who, I firmly believe, ardently wishes to meliorate the condition of the lower classes of people, though I do not think that his plan would effect the object in view. He either did not see those consequences which I apprehend from it; or he has a better opinion of the happiness of the common people in Ireland than Ì have. In his Irish tour he seemed much struck with the plenty of potatoes which they possessed, and the absence of all apprehension of want. Had he travelled in 1800 and 1801, his impressions would by all accounts have been very different. From the facility which has hitherto prevailed in Ireland of procuring potatoe grounds, scarcities have certainly been rare, and all the effects of the

condition of the poor considered.

are, after all, only desirable as they contribute to happiness. In this point of view, I should be very far from undervaluing them, considering them, in general, as absolutely necessary means to attain the end; but if any particular case should

system have not yet been felt, though certainly enough. to make it appear very far from desirable.

Mr. Young has since pursued his idea more in detail, in a pamphlet entitled, An Inquiry into the Propriety of applying Wastes to the better Maintenance and Support of the Poor. But the impression on my mind is still the same; and it appears to me calculated to assimilate the condition of the laborers of this country to that of the lower classes of the Irish. Mr. Young seems, in a most unaccountable manner, to have forgotten all his general principles on this subject. He has treated the question of a provision for the poor, as if it was merely, How to provide in the cheapest and best manner for a given number of people? If this had been the sole question, it would never have taken so many hundred years to resolve. But the real question is, How to provide for those who are in want, in such a manner, as to prevent a continual accumulation of their numbers? and it will readily occur to the reader, that a plan of giving them land and cows cannot promise much success in this respect. If, after all the commons had been divided, the poor laws were still to continue in force, no good reason can be assigned why the rates should not in a few years be as high as they are at present, independently of all that had been expended in the purchase of land and stock.

Different plans of improving the, &c.

occur, in which they appeared to be in direct opposition to each other, we cannot rationally doubt which ought to be postponed.

Fortunately however, even on the narrowest political principles, the adoption of such a system would not answer. It has always been observed, that those who work chiefly on their own property, work very indolently and unwillingly when employed for others; and it must necessarily happen, when, from the general adoption of a very cheap food, the population of a country increases considerably beyond the demand for labor, that habits of idleness and turbulence will be generated, most peculiarly unfavorable to a flourishing state of manufactures. In spite of the cheapness of labor in Ireland, there are few manufactures which can be prepared in that country for foreign sale so cheap as in England: and this is in great measure owing to the want of those industrious habits which can only be produced by regular employment.

CHAPTER XI.

Of the necessity of general principles on this sub... ject.

IT has been observed by Hume, that of all sciences, there is none where first appearances are more deceitful than in politics. The remark is undoubtedly very just, and is most peculiarly applicable to that department of the science which relates to the modes of improving the condition of the lower classes of society.

We are continually hearing declamations against theory and theorists, by men who pride themselves upon the distinction of being practical. It must be acknowledged that bad theories are very bad things, and the authors of them useless, and sometimes pernicious members of society. But these advocates of practice do not seem to be aware, that they themselves very often come under this

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