They may be taught by their ene- dered, self-called philosophers, who These are views of wretchedness, but they are the exact consequence of measures that have been so operative in France, and which we appear too much inclined to pursue. Such is the natural course of selfish, suspicious, mean democracy. I deny not that there are many well-meaning persons, but bewil 365 You A Last Appeal to King, Lords, and Commons. 1833.] country lie miserably waste, and the more they failed were the more violently bent on prosecuting their absurdities. These our philosophers are worthy of precedence in the court of Queen Whims, and to be fed gratuitously on categories and abstractions all the rest of their lives. I do trust, that, as you must see the folly of those schemes, you will advance one step further, and see that it is wickedness that will urge you to gratify these incurable philosophers; and that it will be unpardonable in you to yield to the selfish clamour of your present masters-and a wretched policy too -for they will bring the punishment on you, when they find that you have injured them, by attending to their demands. But if they now prevail on you to accede to their views in this respect, they see that shipping will be wanted to convey all this foreign corn, to feed England with, to our shores; certain, of course, that foreign nations will let us have at all times, peace or war, this corn, and allow our vessels to bring it. The Colonies now employ shipping; therefore, that shipping may be to spare, you must sacrifice the Colonies, and yield to the fanatic's wicked cry for emancipation of slaves, though it lead to the certain ruin of the planters, massacre of the whites, and destruction of the negroes by the hands of each other. And then, though seven millions of exported manufactures and import duties be the loss, the shipping, they fondly think, may be employed in their new corn trade. But no such vessels will ever be so employed, nor will foreign Powers then allow it, to save all the Whig Philosophers and Political Economists in the empire from starvation. The Colonies will be gone, manufacturers ruined, innumerable and therefore the more starving, as they are become by the addition of the loom-driving farmers. The agriculturist, in this case, has been ruined, our supremacy at sea annihilated,-and cooped up in our island, the "nation of shopkeepers" will have neither cus tomers nor bread. You will likewise, possibly, be im"final mediately called upon to infringe upon the integrity of your measure," by yielding the Ballot, the mischief of which is confessed by Lord John Russell-who is nevertheless prepared to entertain it-to be incalculable, beyond the conception of the people, and his power of shewing. And in the spirit of the Ballot, all corporations are to be remodelled, that the management of their property may fall into needy hands, and that brawling and bankrupt demagogues may be perpetually disturbing the peace of towns and cities, with corporation funds at their disposal, maintain a dangerous, overawing, magisterial authority, bowing only to the supremacy of a Directory or Political Union. I do not ask you if the charity funds will fall into safer hands, be better distributed, or more even-handed justice dealt, especially when the new dogma shall be established, that corporation property is public property, and may be confiscated for public purposes, of which the distributors may take upon themselves to be judges. You know quite otherwise, and that these funds, and this power, are sought both for their own value, and for the purpose of making and keeping in pay political con verts. I hope you will put all these several schemes together, and see that they are of connexion with each other; that they are all of the Movement, of the Old Corresponding Society, United Irishmen, and other I talk not to you now of the injustice to the Colonies; that horrid word has been hid out of sight, covered by the mantle of fanaticism; and there are state reasons of the new Unions, and that they are intended, under the promise of your engineering ability, to be brought to bear against the Monarchy; and that may be as powerless as the old fortress of Antwerp, which the Whig Ministry, by the assistance of an immense French army-ever to be at command -have so successfully assaulted. In all these schemes I have simply considered your assent or dissent. I have not asked of you what will your conduct be, if, assented to by you, they should be opposed by both or either of the other estates of the realm, the House of Lords and the King. The question must be put, Are you prepared to insist upon your own supremacy, to resist, and to recommend resistance to the payment of taxes? Are you prepared again to demand the suppression of the legitimate voice of the Peers; or to demand of the King the virtual abdication of his power, or delegation of it into your hands, and an unconstitutional use of his prerogative, tyrannically stretched to meet your oppression? If you are so far prepared, you will do well to consider before you act, if usurpation, if tyranny, be only words applicable to princes, when their subjects may wish to dethrone them; or, if you think them the realities proclaimed against in all the declarations of Whig principles, very constitutional treason, and rendering the perpetators of them amenable to the sternest justice. from some present pollution, but I cannot disguise it, that they have taken a stain upon themselves, and yet have scarcely preserved their Order from pollution, certainly not from insult, which, suffered, is akin to it. I, as bearing allegiance to the Constitution, have nothing to do with their Order, but as a constitutional body of protecting power. The moment they consider their Order their caste, it becomes nothing to me. If it have no power to protect me from popular fury, or the encroachment of sovereign power, it is simply an exclusive class, and my pride rises against it. If they submit to a republican power, will not the honour of their mere Order be justly contemned? I admire the spirit of the Earl of Caernarvon, entreating to be restored to the civil power of a commoner, being stript of that of a peer. The one has, at least, the dignity of an aspiring and active ambition; the other, thus stript, the humiliation and impotence of degrada tion. I confess, it fills me with fear, it creates a sickness, a loathing of the profession of political principles, to hear the daily discussions on "What will the Reformed House of Commons do ?" However insane the schemes conjectured are, and even admitted so to be, no one seems to dream of the existence of any legislatorial check, in either the House of Lords or the King. This is fearful, as it is an indication of two things, an admitted irresistible power of the Movement party, and the apathy, or cowardice rather, of the community that can tamely bear it. But so it is, and yet the House of Peers have their duties to perform. Will they perform them? What does experience tell me? Cover it as you will, the proudest have submitted. They have been too careful of their Order," they have preserved it " The House of Peers is again called to the defence of what remains of our Constitutional Fortress. In alarm and almost expectation of a total demolition, with the fall of which, the safety of myself, as one of the people, and all I hold dear depends, I would thus make my earnest appeal to them: I would wish to address you thus: -My Lords Spiritual and Temporal, -but I regret that I am compelled to address you separately, for it is one of the favourite schemes of the day, that the Lords Spiritual should be ejected. Then, my Lords Temporal, as this scheme may, I know not how soon, be brought before you, allow me to suggest a doubt, if one party have a right to eject the other. If it be the right of King, Commons, and Lords Temporal, to eject the Lords Spiritual, would you acknowledge a right in the King, Commons, and Lords Spiritual, to eject you? You would not. Have you not then only equal right to your seats? Neither you nor the people, in their senses, can acknowledge any power of ejection. If done, you will admit it to be in violation of all law. But suppose you do sanction such violence, will you not thereby sanction the other House, should they declare your ejectment, should they sent, so that if a despot Minister be 1833.] declare Parliament supreme without In the permanent security of your My Lords Spiritual-There was a It is not necessary to entreat your forbearance with respect to those other schemes, the subject of my appeal to the other House. I am satisfied that none of them will originate with you, or obtain your sanction. I can only entreat you to maintain the integrity of your constitutional power, and to give your dis too, of your Blessed Lord and Master:-"Woe unto you, Scribes and Pharisees, ye hypocrites, for ye are like unto whited sepulchres, which indeed appear beautiful outward, but are within full of dead men's bones, and all uncleanness;" and did not He whip the offenders out of the Temple? It may be thought convenient to smite you also on the mouth, that your mouth may be silent; but boldness, unsparing boldness even of speech, may be a Christian duty, when meekness would be no virtue. Generally, your timidity or apathy has been quite appalling to the Christian community. Had you made some appeal to the Christian public conjointly, warning all men against infidel attacks, and the consequences of degrading the Church, and shewing forth the truth, you would have raised a spirit that might have defied the malice that is now so powerful against you. Your mistaken forbearance and timidity, with an exception on the part of the Bishop of Exeter, gives despair to the whole Church. I would not see his Grace of Canterbury a Becket, but a trifle of the courageous bearing of a Becket would be no great evil. We should not have witnessed the wavering, the conceding the bringing forward measures, and postponing them and withdrawing them, and being foiled by the wiles of craftier politicians. Nor would the general clergy have been so utterly kept in the dark with regard to proposed measures; and they might with advantage have been consulted. this grace of their forbearance. Even if a secure commutation can be made, it must be upon the equity-value of the clergy's rights, not according to the measure of their contentment, that bears with it the grace of giving. Yet is this forbearance made a plea for a low valuation, but it is iniquitous. If a kind landlord have taken low rents, or have thrown back a portion, is there any equity in forcing him for ever to accept a something in lieu, estimated from his lenity? This would be robbery established by law. You can never acquiesce in any such measures that would prove you bad stewards of the Church. I can make no distinction between the Church in England and in Ireland. You cannot sever them, and you must see that preservative justice is meted equally to both. They are one-indissoluble. I do not believe so ill of you as to suspect that any selfish consideration will induce any one of you to participate in the revenues or emoluments violently taken from another. With sentiments of respect and loyalty, I now make my appeal to His Majesty. Sire-The deep interest I take in my country's welfare, now at fearful hazard, and the conviction that all I hold most dear is at peril, with the boldness of one who would entreat to have the danger averted, I address myself to the Constitutional Father of his People. It is a maxim of our Constitution, that the King of England can do no wrong.-His Ministers are responsible. Your Majesty's Whig Ministers have reversed this law, and by a public and disgusting use of your name, thrown the wrong," or the responsibility, upon your Majesty. You are invested with privileges or a prerogative important and extensive, for the maintenance of the integrity of the Three Estates of the realm. The object defines and limits the use. It was never thought necessary to provide against an abuse, manifest by being destructive of the object; yet your Whig Ministers have put a violent construction on your prerogative, and, by persuasion, have obtained your acquiescence in a despotic abuse of it, by which, against your Majesty's most ardent wishes, they have suppressed, or forced, the constitutional voice of the House of Peers. All their acts At your hands, my Lords, under Providence, the Church looks for defence for the preservation of all her rights and privileges; demands. of you that you make no compromise, no barter. If you succeed not, you are to suffer all that persecution and malice may inflict, that your Church may triumph after you, and in you. Give not the people the least reason to suspect that you value a lifeinterest above the permanent interest of the Church. Stand upon the titles of the estates of the clergy; deny any power of interference. Allow not the forbearance of the clergy in not claiming the full amount due to them, if it be a merit, to be taken from them, and be made the basis of a commutation. Strip them not of |