tions, the same jealousies, the same arts and cabals, the same emulations of interest and fame, and the same agitations and passions here, that you have experienced in Italy. And if they have the same effect on your temper, they will have just the same effect on your interest, and, be your merit what it will, you will never be employed to paint a picture. It will be the same in London as in Rome, and the same in Paris as in London, for the world is pretty nearly alike in all its parts. Nay, though it would perhaps be a little inconvenience to me, I had a thousand times rather you should fix your residence at Rome than here, as I should not then have the mortification of seeing with my own eyes, a genius of the first rank lost to the world, himself, and his friends; as I certainly must, if you do not assume a manner of acting and thinking here, totally different from what your letters from Rome have described to me.

"You will come here; you will observe what the artists are doing; and you will sometimes speak a disapprobation in plain words, and sometimes by a no less expressive silence. By degrees you will produce some of your own works. They will be variously criticised; you will defend them; you will abuse those who have attacked you; expostulations, discussions, letters, possibly challenges, will go forward. In the meantime, gentlemen will avoid your friendship, for fear of being engaged in your quarrels. You will fall into distresses, which will only aggravate your disposition for further quarrels. You will be obliged, for maintenance, to do any thing for anybodyyour very talents will depart, for want of hope and encouragement; and you will go out of the world, fretted, disappointed, and ruined.

"Nothing but my real regard for you, could induce me to set those considerations in this light before you. Remember, we are born to serve and to adorn our country, and not to contend with our fellow-citizens; and that in particular, your business is to paint, and not to dispute." The prediction was true to the letter.

"That you have had just subjects of indignation always, and of anger often, I do noways doubt; who can live in the world without some trial of his patience? But believe me, my dear Barry, that the arms with which the ill dispositions of the world are to be combated, and the qualities by which it is to be reconciled to us, and we reconciled to it, are moderation, gentleness, a little indulgence to others, and a great deal of distrust of ourselves; which are not qualities of a mean spirit, as some may possibly think them; but virtues of a great and noble kind, and such as dignify our nature as much as they contribute to our repose and fortune. For nothing can be so unworthy of a well-composed soul, as to pass away life in bickerings and litigations, in snarling and scuffling with every one about us. Again and again, my dear Barry, we must be at peace with our species; if not for their sakes, yet very much for our own. Think what my feelings must be, from my unfeigned regard, and from my wishes that your talents might be of use; when I see what the inevitable consequences must be, of your persevering in what has hitherto been your course, ever since I knew you; and which you will permit me to trace out for you beforehand.

Life was still opening upon Burke. Every year urged him more into public fame. He spoke on all great occasions in the House. The vividness and power of his fancy was becoming constantly more effective, from his constant acquisition of facts; a consciousness of the stand which he took in national estimation, stimulated him to indefatigable industry; and in the course of a period which generally finds the young senator still trembling on the edge of debate, Burke had passed all his contemporaries, shorn the old leaders of party of their laurels, and by universal consent was placed at the head of Opposition.

This maturity of his powers had arrived at a memorable time. The state of the Empire required the highest ability in the Governors of the State, and gave the largest scope for all the attributes of political knowledge, wisdom, and eloquence in the Senate. If the world shall ever become virtuous enough to deserve a developement of the actual course of Providence in the affairs

of nations, a new light may be thrown on the whole aspect of history. Events remote, trivial, and obscure, may be found to have been the origin to the greatest transactions. A chain of circumstance may be traceable round the globe; and while the shortsightedness of the worldly politician deems the catastrophe complete and closed, its operation may be but more secretly extending, to envelope a still larger space, and explode with a more dazzling and tremendous ruin. The revolt of America has been attributed to the attempt to lay on taxes without representation. But a more remote, yet substantial ground for the spirit of resistance, was to be found in the French war of twenty years before. At that period the colonists were first taught their use in the field-the advantages of natives over foreigners, in the forest skirmishes the natural strength of the swamp, the river, and the thicket-the utter helplessness of the most disciplined army of Europe to resist the famine and inclemency of the wildernessand the utter feebleness of the most dexterous tactics before the simple activity and courage of the American hunter on his own ground. Washington had served in the British campaigns against the French masters of the chain of fortresses, extending from Quebec in a circle to the west and south, through the forests; and the lesson was not forgotten by him or his Virginian countrymen. It unquestionably rendered the population less fearful of a shock with even the mighty power of England; and the first impulse which was given to the national spirit, by the first imaginary pressure of the slightest of all national bonds, found the Americans falling back upon the memories of their successful skirmishes, and not unwilling to renew the stirring times, when the lance and the rifle would become names of terror in the hands of the woodsman once more.

Burke's rank in the House naturally induced him to take a prominent part in the debates on America. But he had an additional source of knowledge and feeling, in his personal connexion with the State of New York, for which he had been appointed agent in 1771. It is not improbable that to this connexion may be

ascribed some share of the extraordinary ardour with which he adopted the complaints of America. That his nature disdained corruption, is acknowledged; that the advocacy of a side which embarrassed the Minister, was the established service of Opposition, is a maxim which will not be disputed by the morals of Parlia ment; and thus this eminent person may have been blamelessly drawn in to give his support to pretensions, which his calmer reason would have discovered to be utterly untenable.

The tea-duty, of all pretexts the most trivial for a great insurrectionary movement against a protecting and parent state, was the constant topic of Ministers and Opposition. At length the question was brought to an issue, by a proposal, on the 19th of April, 1774, for the final repeal of the obnoxious duty. Burke rose in reply to a vehement speech on the Ministerial side, by Wolfran Cornwall, one of the new Lords of the Treasury. It is said that a considerable portion of this reply was the work of the moment. Of course, he had too much deference for the House, and too much regard for his own rank there, to venture so important a question altogether upon the chance impulses of the hour. But its direct allusions to the arguments of the preceding speaker, give unequivocal proof of that ready and rapid seizure of circumstances, which forms the chief talent of a debater in Parliament. This speech, too, has the distinction of being the first that has been preserved. Its effect on the House had induced several of the Members to take notes, and from those the speech was subsequently given to the public curiosity. It abounds in strong appeals, and dexterous instances of language. "For nine long years," it began, 66 we have been lashed round and round this circle of occasional arguments and temporary expedients. We have had them in every shape-we have looked at them in every point of view. Invention is exhausted,-reason is fatigued,-experience has given judgment, but obstinacy is not yet conquered." "It is through your American trade that your East India conquests are to be prevented from crushing you with their burden. They are ponderous indeed,

and they must have that great country to lean on, or they tumble on your head. The same folly has lost you the benefit at once of the West and the East. This folly has thrown open the folding-doors to contraband. It will be the means of giving the profits of the trade of your colonies to every nation but yourselves. Never did a people suffer so much from a preamble. It is a tax of sophistry-a tax of pedantry-a tax of disputation-a tax of war and rebellion-a tax for any thing but benefit to the imposers, or satisfaction to the subject." * * "I pass by the use of the King's name in a matter of supply, that sacred and reserved right of the Commons. I conceal the ridiculous figure of Parliament, hurling its thunders at the gigantic rebellion of America, and then, five days after, prostrate at the feet of those assemblies which we affected to despise; begging them, by the intervention of our Ministerial sureties, to receive our submission."

*

From those keen and pointed sentences, he sometimes spreads into bold and rich amplification. "Let us," he exclaims, "embrace some system or other, before we put an end to this session. Do you mean to tax America, and to draw a productive revenue from her? If you do, speak out,-name, fix this revenue, -settle its quantity,-define its objects, provide for its collection, and then fight, when you have something to fight for. If you murder, rob; if you kill, take possession; but do not appear in the character of madmen as well as assassins, violent, vindictive, bloody and tyrannical, and all without an object.'

Lord Caermarthen had remarked in the course of the debate, that America was at least as much represented as Manchester, which had made no complaint of a want so imaginary, and that the Americans ought, as the children of England, to have exhibited somewhat more of the spirit of filial obedience. Burke's forcible and brilliant remark on this charge, produced an extraordinary sensation in the whole assembly.

"The noble lord," said he, " calls the Americans our children, and such they are. But when our children ask for bread, shall we give them a stone? When they wish to assimi

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late to their parent, and to reflect with a true filial resemblance the beauteous countenance of British liberty, are we to turn to them only the deformed part of the British Constitution? Are we to give them our weakness for their strength, our opprobrium for their glory, and the slough of slavery, which we are not able to work off, to serve them for their freedom?"

Even in this speech he strikes a blow at the political metaphysics, which the later and more glorious part of his life was so vigorously employed in exposing. "Those are," said he, "the arguments of states and kingdoms. Leave the rest to the schools. But if intemperately, unwisely, fatally, you sophisticate and poison the very source of government by urging subtle deductions, and consequences odious to those you govern, from the unlimited and illimitable nature of supreme sovereignty, you will teach them by these means to call that sovereignty in question. If you drive him hard, the boar will turn upon the hunters."

This speech was one of the most signal triumphs of the orator. The debate had been long and tedious; the members had gradually thinned away to the coffee-room, and neighbourhood of the house. When it was told that Burke was on his legs, public expectation was excited, but it was only when he had thoroughly entered on his subject, that the reports of his extraordinary brilliancy on that night suddenly crowded the house. From that moment, their expressions of delight were incessant. The hearers in the galleries could be scarcely restrained from bursting out into loud applause. At one of these hidden and powerful turns with which the speech abounded, Lord John Townshend, who had been familiar with all the leaders of debate, exclaimed, " Good heavens, what a man is this! Where could he have found such transcendent powers!"

The dissolution of Parliament put an end to Burke's representation of Wendover. But he had given proof of qualities which made his presence necessary to his party in the House; and, by the Rockingham interest, he was returned for Malton. But he was to ascend a higher step in popular distinctions. While he had

scarcely more than made his acknowledgments to the northern electors, a deputation from Bristol was announced. It had been sent by a strong body of the merchants, to propose his nomination in their city, and offered to bring him in free of all canvass or expense. So striking an evidence of the public value for his services could not be declined. He immediately took leave of Malton, and started for Bristol, where he arrived only on the sixth day of the election. There was no time to be lost; and, notwithstanding his weariness, for he had travelled forty hours without rest, he drove to the hustings. The candidates had been Lord Clare and Mr Brickdale, the late members, with Mr Cruger, a considerable merchant. On the se cond day of the poll, Lord Clare had given up the contest; Brickdale had rendered himself unacceptable to the merchants, and they determined to find a candidate at once master of the commercial interests of the empire, and possessing weight in the House. The deputation had immediately set out for London in search of Burke; from London they had followed him to Yorkshire, and they soon had the gratification of seeing him returned for their city.

I have ever had a clear opinion, and have ever held a constant, correspondent conduct, that this superiority is consistent with all the liberties which a sober and spirited American ought to desire. I never mean to put any colonist, or any human being in a situation not becoming a freeman."

On the popular claims which, at that time, were echoed and re-echoed through the kingdom, he is equally bold" The distinguishing part of our constitution is its liberty. To preserve that liberty inviolate, seems the particular duty and proper trust of a member of the House of Commons. But the liberty, the only liberty I mean, is a liberty connected with order, that not only exists along with order and virtue, but which cannot exist at all without them. It inheres in good and steady Government, as in its vital principle."

At the close of the poll, which was prolonged with unusual perseverance, another demand was made on his political fortitude, by that question of pledges which has fettered so many of the "independents" of our own day. Cruger had made some idle admission as to their power of binding the candidate. wish," said Burke in his final address," that topic had been passed by; at a time when I have so little leisure to discuss it." He then proceeded to state his sentiments, which have, till one fatal period of change in every thing, formed the law on the subject. "It is the duty of the representative to sacrifice his repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions, to his constituents. But his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion. ***** If government were a matter of will, upon any side; yours, without question, ought to be superior. But government and legislation are matters of reason and judgment, not of inclination. And what sort of reason is that, in which the determi nation precedes the discussion; in which one set of men deliberate,

The speech which he addressed to the electors on his arrival, a brief, but eloquent exposition of his political views, shewed at the instant how highly his friends were justified in his selection. America was now the topic upon which all others turned, and he, of course, alluded to it. But it is gratifying to have his explicit declaration that he never contemplated the rash separation, he never countenanced the unnatural rebellion, and he never justified the insolent denial of British right, which formed the head and front of American offending. "I have held," said he "and ever shall maintain, to the best of my power, unimpaired and undiminished, the just, wise, and necessary constitutional superiority of Great Britain. This is necessary for America, as well as for us-I never mean to depart from it. Whatever may be lost by it, I avow it. The forfeiture even of your favour, if by such a declaration I could forfeit it, never will make me disguise my sentiments on the subject. But

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and another decide; and where those who form the conclusion are perhaps three hundred miles distant from those who hear the arguments? ****** Authoritative instructions, mandates, which the member is bound blindly and implicitly to obey; these are things utterly unknown to the laws of this land, and which arise from a fundamental mistake of the whole order and tenor of our constitution. Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from different states, and with hostile interests, which interests each must maintain as an agent against other agents. But Parliament is a deliberative assembly of one nation with one interest, that of the whole. You choose a member indeed; but when you have chosen him, he is not member for Bristol, but he is a member of Parliament."

a general roar of laughter and applause.

And those words were not the bravado of a man secure of his seat. He acted up to their spirit, even when the loss of his seat was involved in the action. In 1780, he repeated his declaration-" I did not obey your instructions. No; I conformed to the instructions of truth and nature, and maintained your interests against your opinions, with a constancy that became me. A representative worthy of you ought to be a person of stability. I am to look indeed to your opinions. But to such opinions as you and I must look to, five years hence. I was not to look at the flash of the day. knew that you chose me in my place, along with others, to be a pillar of the State, and not a weather cock on the top of the edifice, exalted for my levity and versatility; and of no use but to indicate the shiftings of every popular gale."

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Election jests are not always long lived. But Cruger's deficiencies, in comparison with Burke's public ability as a speaker, gave rise to a burlesque of the opulent man of trade, which is still memorable at Bristol. On the conclusion of Burke's fine address, Cruger stood up; but his fount of eloquence would not flow. At length the genius of the counting-house saved him from utter silence. "I say ditto to Mr Burke, I say ditto to Mr Burke!" he exclaimed, and rushed from the hustings, in

Burke's definition of the duties of a member of Parliament, with which he closed his speech, shows how little he shared in the extravagances of his time or our own. It is as applicable to this hour as it was to the moment when it was first hailed by every lover of legitimate freedom. "To be a good member of Parliament, is, let me tell you, no easy task; especially at this time, when there is so strong a disposition to run into the perilous extremes of servile compliance or wild popularity. To unite circumspection with vigour is absolutely necessary, but it is extremely difficult. We are now members for a rich commercial city, that city is, however, but a part of a rich commercial nation, the interests of which are various, multiform, and intricate. We are members for that great nation, which itself, however, is but a part of a great empire, extended by our virtue and our fortune to the farthest limits of the east and the west. All these wide-spread interests must be considered, must be compared, must be reconciled, if possible. We are members for a free country, and surely we all know, that the machine of a free country is no simple thing; but, as intricate and as delicate as it is valuable. We are members in a great and ancient monarchy. And we must preserve religiously the true legal rights of the sovereign, which form the key-stone that binds together the noble and well-constructed arch of our empire and our Constitution."

A history of public questions might be a work worthy of some great benefactor to his country. It would show the perpetual facility with which the public mind may be fruitlessly disturbed. The guilty dexterity with which popular imposture may inflame popular passion; and the utter absurdity with which nations may be impregnated, at the moment when they are giving themselves credit for supreme wisdom; the whole forming a great legacy of political common sense for the benefit of the future. An extract from the follies of the fathers, for an antidote to the crimes of posterity.

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