Dissenters of the lowest classes have thesert, than for an Irishman, in the memeans of education?—I should think, un- tropolis of the British empire, under the less they were very poor indeed, generally controul of his Priests!

30.

What effects have you observed resultDoes it not follow, that if Dissenters ing from education upon the savage nations have the means of education, every person in Southern Africa?--I should first state, has the means of education?—I mean the there are part of three nations who are ca Dissenters in general; I speak of the per-pable of reading-the Hottentots, the Gri

sous who are careful in providing means of education for their children.

Do you allude to the poorer classes of Dissenters? There are none so very poor that they could not do something if they

chose.

Do you mean that Dissenters have better meaus of education for the poor, than members of the Church?-Not so much that: but, I think they make greater exertions; I do not think they have better

means.

If this be true, what prevents the Catholic from doing the same? How long shall the difference continue to the disadvantage of the sons of St. Peter? The Irish, for instance, do not want talent: all the world does them that justice. Accident has given a spur to that talent: accident of another kind may, and, under Providence, will, give a scope to it; and future historians will have to congratulate the sister island on the return of learning, respectability, and distinction, to the natives of Erin.

Says Mr. Campbell, known to the lic by his "Travels in Africa,"

quas, and the Namacquas; a considerable number of those nations have been taught by the missionaries to read, and, from the statement of those missionaries when I was present with them, they considered their reading as particularly conducible to promote civilization.

I got twelve of the Hottentots who accompanied me in the interior of Africa, on our return to Cape Town, fully instruct ed in the British system of education, on purpose that they might commence, upon that plan, a school at Bethesdorp, which is about 550 miles from the Cape.

About four months ago, I received a let ter respecting that school, stating that upwords of sixty Hottentots, who teu months before knew not their letters, could read the Dutch Testament as well as the mis sionaries.

You found the Hottentots as quick in receiving their education, as the people in England ?-Nearly so; it brings them into a new world to be able to know what a

book says, it is completely a new world.
I may mention here, that I have found

pub-nothing so difficult as to convey to the
conception of a savage how a book spake.
I attempted with the King of Lattakoo, to
make him understand it, but he and his
principal men all shook their heads, and
said it was impossible to understand it;
I took a journal that lay before me, in
which I had inserted, from the lips of his
uncle, the names of his forefathers, who
had been kings before him (the govern
ment is hereditary;) this I read to the
king and his chief men, on which they per
ceived that I had formerly stated the truth,
but had no idea how the book gave me
that information; the King inquired if it
would be possible for them and their
children, by the instructions of a white
man, to understand what books “said"
(there is no other way of conveying read-
ing, they can form no idea of what reading

One circumstance that led the Catholics in Ireland in a certain district, I think it was in the vicinity of Belfast, to wish to obtain reading for part of their family, was the issuing the one-shilling, the two-shilling, and five-shilling notes; there were instances of men going with their cow to market, and bringing home a five-shilling note instead of a five-pound one; in consequence of this, they resolved that at least one of their children should be able to read, to accompany them to market, to distinguish notes; the priests could never successfully oppose that measure; and that was the commencement in Ireland of a desire among the lower orders of Catholics to read.

seemed highly gratified when I stated, that in the course of a few moons after the

Certainly, the Irish are not inferioris, it is only speaking;) he and his people to the Hottentots in respect to talent; but, they are in respect to the means of cultivating that talent. To say all in one word, there is a better chance for a wild Hottentot, a Kaffer, or a Bosh-man, that he should acquire instruction in his de

arrival of a teacher, they should be able to understand reading as well as myself. The missionaries have not yet arrived there, so that I can give no idea of the

success.

try, they might, properly enough, perhaps, have insisted on the immutability of their institutions; but, if the circumstances of their country, like all other things under heaven, were the subjects of vicissitude, on what principle could they indulge the imagination that their descendants should refrain from all change, whether with design to improve the political system generally, or with

The Representative History of Great Britain an Ireland: being a History of the House of Commons, and of the Counties, Cities, and Boroughs, of the United Kingdom, from the earliest Period. By T. H. B. Oldfield. Six volumes. Price £3 12s. London, Baldwin, Cradock, and Joy. 1816. When the violence of the French Re-design to adopt it to events rising fresh volution burst on the astonished world, with every shifting age? In fact, the anthose who were but partially informed tients never entertained notions so abon the probable consequences, proclaim- surd: and those who look back to past ed their rapturous expectations without ages, wishing to enjoy parts of what, reserve. Instead of waiting to witness in their imagination, was good, must the course it might take, they called on allow us to say, that unless they are all nations to imitate the example, and willing to take the whole, as things change---or, in the party language of then stood, their appeal is entitled to the day, to reform the tyranny under little attention. which they groaned. It cannot be denied, by any rational mind, that the fluctuating course of human affairs, invariably brings with it a variety of imperfections and weaknesses: neither can it be denied, that the energies of the human intellect are constantly employed in counteracting this principle of deterioration, by endeavouring to convert it to advantage. Times change, and with them manners.

It was not to be expected that our own constitution, especially the popular part of it, the representative, should escape from this phrenzy of reforma- | tion; and the publication before us was then compiled with a view to forward the good work of restoring it, to what the writer supposed it to be, many centuries ago. If the purpose had been honest, and the conduct of the author had been

There is every reason to believe that the States of Europe, in what the Romans-and we from them, bave been pleased to call their barbarous state, discussed their national affairs in national assemblies. This we learn from Tacitus; and there are remains of these institutions in Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, and other countries to this day.

When the army of the Franks passed the Rhine, the monarch cousulted the army on measures to be taken. That these measures were made known to the whole, as Gregory of Tours says, in universis Leudis tam sublimibus quàm pauperibus, of all ranks, high and low, is credible enough; though it cannot be thought that the voice of the chiefs was not predominant in the issue. And we find the monarch answering to a proposal of importance, that he must consult the general assembly of the Frank people, before be could give a determinate answer. The admission of the Bishops somewhat varied the compo sition of the States General, but did not greatly change it.

impartial, we should have hailed the communication with joy. But, the purpose could not be pronounced honest, in the sense of benevolent, till it had been proved, that what was suitable to the state of society and of the country, in antient times, is suited to the state of the country now. Our forefathers might, with the greatest propriety, establish proceedings and principles for themselves they were competent judges *Conventum nobilium debere eam of their then situation, and of the pur- aggregare Francorum, et communi statu poses they intended to answer. Could de omnibus consulere rebus: se vero they also have conferred immutabilityjudicio illorum, in omnibus pariturum, on the then circumstances of their coun- nec preceptis promisit obstaturum.

When Pepin desired to divide his dominions between Carloman and Charle magne, he convoked an Assembly of the

Franks, and the Bishops, at St. Denis. | others but possessors of land, who could The Assembly consented, and the par- claim the legislative and judicial privi tition was made: but, the Bishops were leges. Arts and commerce had not then now summoned as lords of territory, in created other ranks to assume the exaddition to their spiritual character. Inercise of this invaluable blessing."806 Charlemagne also desired to divide "As land was the only original posseshis Realm; but, not without the univer- sion of our Saxon ancestors, it was this sal consent of his people :---ut plenitur species of property alone, which could omnes consentire debeant. And when entitle them to the right of freemen." in 813, he wished to place the Imperial Now, if he thinks proper to annul arts crown on the head of his son, Louis le and commerce, and to reduce all proDébonnaire, he held a national assem-perty to that of land alone, as in the bly at Aix la Chapelle, in which he demanded from each member individually, whether it was his pleasure that he should confer the title of Emperor on his Son? Having received a unanimous answer, Yes, he pronounced him his associate in the empire; and directed him to go to the Altar, and take the crown from off it, and place it on his head. "This was to shew," says Mezerai," that he held it from God, by the voice of his people."

Saxon times, then let him fairly restore the Saxon constitution, as a proper accompaniment to his favourite state of things. But, that he will persuade the present, or any succeeding generation, to realize a dream so destructive, can excite no apprehension, even among the most ignorant.

The character Mr. Oldfield gives of the Saxons, as a band of robbers, obtaining settlements by violence, at the expense of the original possessors, the Britons, is little calculated to raise favourable anticipations of the purity of their institutions, political or legislative.

But, it cannot be imagined, that every individual of the French people could assist at St. Denis, or at Aix la Chapelle, or at any other council, though call-That what they had acquired by rapine ed General: the chiefs or principals, they would secure by enactment, canthe leading personages, only, could not be doubted; but, in the mean while, transact the business, really; and this ap- what became of the rights and privipears, as history gradually opens on us, leges of that prior population, which with further particulars. So Louis VIII. they allowed to remain among them? speaks of the advice and consent of his What was good for the Saxons, was Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Com- surely bad for the Britons; what estabitum, Baronum, et Militum regni lished these, most certainly subjugated Franciae ;---in which list, however, the those and, as to the principle of unimilitary, not the populace, the land-versal suffrage, supposing it might, by holders, not the husbandmen, are the possibility, extend to the lords and masparties considered. And much the same ters, the conquerors, the Saxons; did it was the estimation of ranks, in our own include the labourers, the menials, the island: those Britons to whom it is cus- Britons? tomary to trace up principles, differed little or nothing from their continental neighbours.

Mr. Oldfield informs us, that "war and agriculture being the chief employments of the Saxons, there were no

This fact is thus described by Tegan, the Historian. Interrogans omnes d maximo usque ad minimum, si eis placuisset ut nomen suum, id est Imperatoris, filio suo tradidisset: illi omnes responderunt, Dei esse admonitionem illius rei. De Gestis Ludovici, cap. 6. ia Annal. Pith. tom. 11.

:

Mr. Oldfield is desirous of displaying an acquaintance with the state of the Britons before the arrival of the Saxons; and he talks of Hu the mighty, the Cymri, and Dyenwal Maelmwd, as if he believed, or could persuade his reader to believe, that he understood the subject on which he discourses. No such thing; and, to supply a part of his deficiency, we adduce the following evidence, from Roberts's Chronicle of the Kings of Britain.---Appendix, No. V.

The following Triad exhibits the original mode, and improvements upon this mode, of collecting the popular suffrages, in order

to obviate the difficulty of assembling the
whole population.
There are three ways
of enacting and confirming those laws,
which are obligatory on the country in
general.

"1. By a General Assembly of Cymru Paramount, that is, a general assembly of the heads of clans, and families, and freeholders from all the districts, territories, kingdoms, and departments of the Cyniry, For Cymru Parunount denotes but one country, one nation And this court shall make, abrogate, or amend laws, according as occasion shall require, by general opinion, judgment, and assent."

separate government; and the opportunity and power of opposing it, or suggesting amendment, has been given."

rate ratification of Cymru Paramount; and a law so ratified will be the law of every country, territory, kingdom, court, place of worship and district; and equal in force as if it had been confirmed by a General Assembly; and requires no appeal to the constitutional law of the country. For the constitutional law says, It has had the assent and consent of Cymru Puramount, and be made within the three years and three therefore it is established. For if no appeal days, it shall be held that country, and district, clan, and allied clan, ratify it, since shall have thus been lawfully proclaimed Do one can plead ignorance of that which "The second is by a confederate Assem-reign dominion, an inferior kingdom, or as to time and place, whether in a sovebly of a country or territory. That is to say, when the court of the government of a country or territory unanimously desires a new law, or the amendment, or abrogation of a law; notice of it shall be given, by proclamation, to all the courts within the territories of Cymru Paramount, in order that such law may be amended, enacted, or abrogated, as it shall in justice or reason be deemed requisite, Thus the process shall be carried on, through all the courts and clans, till their decision be known, and their common assent be obtained, without opposition, and without objection. When this is obtained, the courts and sessions shall be advertised, by procla-trict, for the purpose of enacting general mation, of the time when the three years laws, to be observed in, or between, counof notice shall terminate; and the Confe- try and district, or adjoining country, by derate Assembly shall meet at the end of and with the assent and consent of country the three years. This is called GORSEDD and country, ruler and ruler, and the agree GYFALLWY, and it shall go on through allment of privilege and privilege, for the the governments, and its decision be equivalent to that of the general assembly of Cymru Paramount."

“The third mode of enacting or abrogating a law, by the full authority of country and clan, is by provisional proclamation and advertisement of it, until there be a Confederate Assembly. That is to say, that whatever be the intention as to a law, it is necessary in order to ratify such intention, that it be publicly proclaimed, for one year and a day, by cry of country and district, in every court and place of worship; every fair, and market, and every other regular meeting of country and district, until the decision of every court, country, and district be obtained, together with such amendments, or corrections, as may be ap; proved of by country and district, and there is no farther opposition. And when this is known, it is again to be proclaimed, as before, for one year and a day; until the time of a confederate Assembly; the proclamation coutinuing in all for the space of three years. Thus it will be a confede

"There are three National Sessions by privilege in the island of Britain. 1. The cient in dignity. 2. The Session of CounSession of the Bards, which is the most antry and Lord. That is to say, a court of law, consisting of a general assembly of judges, and constitutional assessors. And S The Session of Union and Maintenance. That is to say, a session of country and and men of wisdom, from country and disdistrict, consisting of rulers, chiefs of clans,

bind all parties. No weapon is to appear sake of peace and justice. And this shall drawn in these sessions, or within their limits, or during their continuance." Triad 59. p. 280.

Now, we ask, what could be the nature of the law, and what the state of society, when three years might be allowed to elapse between the proposition of a public regulation and the enactment of it, by universal consent? What resemblance has this slow process to the telegraphic dispatch necessary on many points submitted to a British parliament of our own day?

Neither is it clear, that the right of sanctioning by a vote any law intended to be cominon, was possessed by every individual without exception; for we are told, by the same authority, (the Ancient Triads) that "every Welshman had a right to a freehold possession of five acres of land."