stand a deduction depending on a long or elaborate process of reasoning. He was forced, therefore, to concentrate what he had to say; and since he had no chance of being admired for the beauty of his composition, it was natural for him to aim at making an impression by the force and the clearness of his

statements.

he began the investigation rather to determine a particular case, than to establish a general maxim, so he probably desisted as soon as he had relieved himself of the present difficulty. There are not many among the thoroughbred scholars and philosophers of Europe, who can lay claim to distinction in more than one or two departments of science or literature. The uneducated tradesman of America has

tion, in natural philosophy,-in politics,-in political economy,—and in general literature and morality.

Of his labours in the department of Physics, we do not propose to say much. They were almost all suggested by views of utility in the beginning, and were, without exception, applied, we believe, to promote such views in the end. His letters upon Electricity have been more extensively circulated than any of his other writings of this kind; and are entitled to more praise and popularity than they seem ever to have met with in this country. Nothing can be more admirable than the luminous and graphical precision with which the experiments are narrated; the ingenuity with which they are projected; and the sagacity with which the conclusion is inferred, limited, and confirmed.

His conclusions were often rash and inaccurate, from the same circumstances which ren-left writings that call for our respectful attendered his productions concise. Philosophy and speculation did not form the business of his life; nor did he dedicate himself to any particular study, with a view to exhaust and complete the investigation of it in all its parts, and under all its relations. He engaged in every interesting inquiry that suggested itself to him, rather as the necessary exercise of a powerful and active mind, than as a task which he had bound himself to perform. He cast a quick and penetrating glance over the facts and the data that were presented to him; and drew his conclusions with a rapidity and precision that have not often been equalled. But he did not generally stop to examine the completeness of the data upon which he proceeded, nor to consider the ultimate effect or application of the principles to which he had been conducted. In all questions, therefore, where the facts upon which he was to deter- The most remarkable thing, however, in mine, and the materials from which his judg- these, and indeed in the whole of his physical ment was to be formed, were either few in speculations, is the unparalleled simplicity number, or of such a nature as not to be over- and facility with which the reader is conlooked, his reasonings are, for the most part, ducted from one stage of the inquiry to anperfectly just and conclusive, and his decisions other. The author never appears for a mounexceptionably sound; but where the element to labour or to be at a loss. The most ments of the calculation were more numerous ingenious and profound explanations are sug and widely scattered, it appears to us that he gested, as if they were the most natural has often been precipitate, and that he has and obvious way of accounting for the pheeither been misled by a partial apprehension of nomena; and the author seems to value himthe conditions of the problem, or has discovered self so little on his most important discoveries, only a portion of the truth which lay before that it is necessary to compare him with him. In all physical inquiries; in almost all others, before we can form a just notion of his questions of particular and immediate policy; merits. As he seems to be conscious of ro and in much of what relates to the practical exertion, he feels no partiality for any part of wisdom and happiness of private life, his his speculations, and never seeks to raise the views will be found to be admirable, and the reader's idea of their importance, by any arts reasoning by which they are supported most of declamation or eloquence. Indeed, the hamasterly and convincing. But upon subjects of bitual precision of his conceptions, and his general politics, of abstract morality, and politi- invariable practice of referring to specific facts cal economy, his notions appear to be more un- and observations, secured him, in a great mea satisfactory and incomplete. He seems to have sure, both from those extravagant conjectures wanted leisure, and perhaps inclination also, in which so many naturalists have indulged, to spread out before him the whole vast pre- and from the zeal and enthusiasm which mises of those extensive sciences, and scarcely seems so naturally to be engendered in their to have had patience to hunt for his con- defence. He was by no means averse to give clusions through so wide and intricate a region scope to his imagination, in suggesting a vaas that upon which they invited him to enter. riety of explanations of obscure and unmanHe has been satisfied, therefore, on many occa- ageable phenomena; but he never allowed sions, with reasoning from a very limited view himself to confound these vague and conjecof the facts, and often from a particular in- tural theories with the solid results of experistance; and he has done all that sagacity and ence and observation. In his Meteorological sound sense could do with such materials: papers, and in his Observations upon Heat and but it cannot excite wonder, if he has some- Light, there is a great deal of such bold and times overlooked an essential part of the argu- original suggestions: but he evidently sets but ment, and often advanced a particular truth little value upon them; and has no sooner into the place of a general principle. He sel- disburdened his mind of the impressions from dom reasoned upon those subjects at all, we which they proceeded, than he seems to dis believe, without having some practical appli-miss them entirely from his consideration, cation of them immediately in view; and as and turns to the legitimate philosophy of ex

very wild speculation upon magnetism; and, notwithstanding the additional temptation of this new piece of ingenuity, he abandons it in the end with as much unconcern, as if he had had no share in the making of it. We shall add the whole passage.

periment with unabated diligence and humility. As an instance of this disposition, we may quote part of a letter to the Abbé Soulaive, upon a new Theory of the Earth, which ne proposes and dismisses, without concern or anxiety, in the course of a few sentences; though, if the idea had fallen upon the brain of an European philosopher, it might have ger-iron contained in the surface of the globe has made minated into a volume of eloquence, like Buffon's, or an infinite array of paragraphs and observations, like those of Parkinson and Dr. Hutton.

After remarking, that there are manifold indications of some of the highest parts of the land having been formerly covered by sea, Dr. Franklin observes

"Such changes in the superficial parts of the globe, seemed to me unlikely to happen, if the earth were solid in the centre. I therefore imagined, that the internal parts might be a fluid more dense, and of greater specific gravity than any of the solids we are acquainted with, which therefore might swim in or upon that fluid. Thus the surface of the globe would be a shell, capable of being broken and disordered by the violent movements of the fluid on which it rested. And as air has been compressed by art so as to be twice as dense as water, and as we know not yet the degree of density to which air may be compressed, and M. A montons calculated that its density increasing as it approached the centre in the same proportion as above the surface, it would, at the depth of leagues, be heavier than gold, and possibly the dense fluid occupying the internal parts of the globe might therefore be air compressed. And as the force of expansion in dense air, when heated, is in proportion to its density, this central air might afford another agent to move the surface, as well as be of use in keeping alive the subterraneous fires; though, as you observe, the sudden rarefaction of water coming into contact with those fires, may also be an agent sufficiently strong for that purpose, when acting between the incumbent earth and the fluid on which it rests.

"It has long been a supposition of mine, that the it capable of becoming, as it is, a great magnet; that the fluid of magnetism perhaps exists in all space; so that there is a magnetical north and south of the Universe, as well as of this globe, so that if it were possible for a man to fly from star to star, he might govern his course by the compass; that it was by the power of this general magnetism this globe became a particular magnet. In soft or hot iron the fluid of magnetism is naturally diffused equally: But when within the influence of the magnet, it is drawn to one end of the iron; made denser there, and rarer at the other. While the iron continues soft and hot, it is only a temporary magnet: if it cools or grows hard in that situation, it becomes a permanent one, the magnetic fluid not easily resuming its equilibrium. Perhaps it may be owing to the permanent magnetism of this globe, which it had not at first, that its axis is at present kept parallel to itself and not liable to the changes it formerly suffered, which occasioned the rupture of its shell, the submersions and emersions of its lands, and the confusion of its seasons. The present polar and equatorial diameters differing from each other near ten leagues, it is easy to conceive, in case some power should shift the axis gradually, and place it in the present equator, and make the new equator pass through the present poles, what a sinking of the waters would happen in the present equatorial regions, and what a rising in the present polar regions; so that vast tracts would be discovered, that now are under water, and others covered, that are now dry, the water rising and sinking in the different extremes near five leagues. Such an operation as this possibly occasioned much of Europe, and among the rest this Mountain of Passy on which I live, and which is composed of limestone rock and sea-shells, to be abandoned by "If one might indulge imagination in supposing the sea, and to change its ancient climate, which how such a globe was formed, I should conceive, seems to have been a hot one. The globe being that all the elements in separate particles being now become a perfect magnet, we are, perhaps, originally mixed in confusion, and occupying a great safe from any change of its axis. But we are still space, they would (as soon as the Almighty fiat or- subject to the accidents on the surface, which are dained gravity, or the mutual attraction of certain occasioned by a wave in the internal ponderous parts, and the mutual repulsion of others to exist) fluid; and such a wave is producible by the sudden all move to their common centre: that the air being violent explosion you mention, happening from the a fluid whose parts repel each other, though drawn junction of water and fire under the earth, which to the common centre by their gravity, would be not only lifts the incumbent earth that is over the densest towards the centre, and rarer as more re-explosion, but impressing with the same force the mote; consequently, all matters lighter than the central parts of that air, and immersed in it, would recede from the centre, and rise till they arrived at that region of the air which was of the same specific gravity with themselves, where they would rest; while other matter, mixed with the lighter air, would descend, and the two, meeting, would form the shell of the first earth, leaving the upper atmos phere nearly clear. The original movement of the parts towards their common centre, would naturally form a whirl there; which would continue, upon the turning of the new-formed globe upon its axis: and the greatest diameter of the shell would be in its equator. If, by any accident afterwards, the axis should be changed, the dense internal fluid, by altering its form, must burst the shell, and throw all its substance into the confusion in which we find it. I will not trouble you at present with my fan. cies concerning the manner of forming the rest of our system. Superior beings smile at our theories, and at our presumption in making them."-vol. ii. pp. 117-119.

He afterwards makes his theory much finer and more extravagant, by combining with it a

fluid under it, creates a wave, that may run a thousand leagues, lifting, and thereby shaking, suc cessively, all the countries under which it passes. I know not whether I have expressed myself so clearly, as not to get out of your sight in these reveries. If they occasion any new inquiries, and produce a better hypothesis, they will not be quite useless. You see I have given a loose to imagination; but I approve much more your method of philoso phizing, which proceeds upon actual observation, makes a collection of facts, and concludes no further than those facts will warrant. In my present cir. cumstances, that mode of studying the nature of the globe is out of my power, and therefore I have permitted myself to wander a little in the wilds of fancy."-vol. ii. p. 119–121.

Our limits will not permit us to make any analysis of the other physical papers contained in this collection. They are all admirable for the clearness of the description, the felicity and familiarity of the illustrations, and the singular sagacity of the remarks with which they are interspersed. The theory of whirl

winds and waterspouts, as well as the obser- increase our regret, that the talents of the vations on the course of the winds and on cold, author should have been wasted on such seem to be excellent. The paper called Mari-perishable materials. time Observations is full of ingenuity and There is not much written on the subject of practical good sense; and the remarks on the dispute with the colonies; and most of Dr. Evaporation, and on the Tides, most of which Franklin's papers on that subject are already are contained in a series of letters to a young well known to the public. His examination be lady, are admirable, not merely for their per- fore the House of Commons in 1766 affords a spicuity, but for the interest and amusement striking proof of the extent of his information, they are calculated to communicate to every the clearness and force of his extempore com description of readers. The remarks on Fire- position, and the steadiness and self-possession places and Smoky chimnies are infinitely more which enabled him to display these qualities original, concise, and scientific, than those of with so much effect upon such an occasion. Count Rumford; and the observations on the His letters before the commencement of hosGulph-stream afford, we believe, the first tilities are full of grief and anxiety; but, no example of just theory, and accurate investi- sooner did matters come to extremities, than gation, applied to that phenomenon. he appears to have assumed a certain keen and confident cheerfulness, not unmixed with a seasoning of asperity, and more vindictiveness of spirit than perhaps became a philosopher. In a letter written in October 1775, he expresses himself in this manner:—

Dr. Franklin, we think, has never made use of the mathematics, in his investigation of the phenomena of nature; and though this may render it surprising that he has fallen into so few errors of importance, we conceive that it helps in some measure to explain the unequalled perspicuity and vivacity of his expositions. An algebraist, who can work wonders with letters, seldom condescends to be much indebted to words; and thinks himself entitled to make his sentences obscure, provided his calculations be distinct. A writer who has nothing but words to make use of, must make all the use he can of them: he cannot afford to neglect the only chance he has of being understood.

The following letters, which passed between Dr. Franklin and Lord Howe, when his Lordship arrived off the American coast with what were called the pacificatory proposals in 1776, show not only the consideration in which the former was held by the Noble Commissioner, but contain a very striking and prophetic statement of the consequences to be apprehended from the perseverance of Great Britain in her schemes of compulsion. His Lordship writes, in June 1776,

"Tell our dear good friend ***, who sometimes has his doubts and despondencies about our firmness, that America is determined and unanimous; a very few Tories and placemen excepted, who will probably soon export themselves. Britain, at dred and fifty Yankies this campaign, which is the expense of three millions, has killed one hun20,000l. a head; and, at Bunker's Hill, she gained a mile of ground, half of which she lost again by our taking post on Ploughed Hill. During the same time, sixty thousand children have been born in America. From these data, his mathematical We should now say something of the politi-head will easily calculate the time and expense neccal writings of Dr. Franklin,-the productions essary to kill us all, and conquer our whole terri tory."-vol. iii, p. 357, 358. which first raised him into public office and eminence, and which will be least read or attended to by posterity. They may be divided into two parts; those which relate to the internal affairs and provincial differences of the American colonies, before their quarrel with the mother country; and those which relate to that quarrel and its consequences. The former are no longer in any degree interesting and the editor has done wisely, we think, in presenting his readers with an abstract only of the longest of them. This was published in 1759, under the title of an Historical Review of the Constitution of Pennsylvania, and consisted of upwards of 500 pages, composed for the purpose of showing that the political privileges reserved to the founder of the colony had been illegally and oppressively used. The Canada pamphlet, written in 1760, for the purpose of pointing out the importance of retaining that colony at the peace, is given entire ; and to be composed with great force of reason, and in a style of extraordinary perspicuity. The same may be said of what are called the Albany Papers, or the plan for a general political union of the colonies in 1754; and a variety of other tracts on the provincial politics of that day. All these are worth preserving, both as monuments of Dr. Franklin's talents and activity, and as affording, in many places, very excellent models of strong reasoning and popular eloquence: but the interest of the subjects is now completely gone by; and the few specimens of general reasoning which we meet with, serve only to

appears

I cannot, my worthy friend, permit the letters and parcels, which I have sent (in the state I received them.) to be landed, without adding a word upon the subject of the injurious extremities in which our unhappy disputes have engaged us.

"You will learn the nature of my mission, from the official despatches which I have recommended to be forwarded by the same conveyance. Retaining all the earnestness I ever expressed, to see our differences accommodated; I shall conceive, if I meet with the disposition in the colonies which I was once taught to expect, the most flattering hopes of proving serviceable in the objects of the King's paternal solicitude, by promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the Colonies. But, if the deep-rooted prejudices of America, and the necessity of preventing her trade from passing into foreign channels, must keep us still a divided people, I shall, from every private as well as public motive, most heartily lament, that this is not the moment, wherein those great objects of my ambition are to be attained, and that I am to be longer deprived of an opportunity to assure you, personally, of the rewith which I am, &c."-vol. iii. p. 365–367. Dr. Franklin answered,―

"I received safe the letters your Lordship so

kindly forwarded to me, and beg you to accept my thanks.

tations that a reconciliation might soon take place. I had the misfortune to find these expectations dis "The official despatches to which you refer me, appointed, and to be treated as the cause of the contain nothing more than what we had seen in the mischief I was labouring to prevent. My consolaact of Parliament, viz. Offers of pardon upon sub-tion under that groundless and malevolent treatment mission; which I was sorry to find; as it must give your Lordship pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business.

Directing pardons to be offered to the colonies, who are the very parties injured, expresses indeed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness, and insensibility, which your uninformed and proud nation has long been pleased to enterrain of us; but it can have no other effect than that of increasing our resentments. It is impossible we should think of submission to a government that has, with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burned our defence. less towns in the midst of winter; excited the savages to massacre our (peaceful) farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters; and is even now* bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries have extinguished every spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear: but, were it possible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for you (I mean the British nation) to forgive the people you have so heavily injured. You can never confide again in those as fellow-subjects, and permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you have given such just causes of lasting ennity: and this must impel you, were we again under your government, to endeavour the breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstructing, by every means in your power, our growing strength and prosperity.

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But your Lordship mentions 'the King's paternal solicitude for promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the Colonies.' If by peace is here meant, a peace to be entered into by distinct states, now at war; and his Majesty has given your Lordship powers to treat with us of such a peace; I may venture to say, though without authority, that I think a treaty for that purpose not quite impracticable, before we enter into foreign alliances. But I am persuaded you have no such powers. Your nation, though, by punishing those American governors who have fomented the discord, rebuilding our burnt towns, and repairing as far as possible the mischiefs done us, she might recover a great share of our regard, and the greatest share of our growing commerce, with all the advantages of that additional strength, to be derived from a friendship with us; yet I know too well her abounding pride and deficient wisdom, to believe she will ever take such salutary measures. Her fondness for conquest as a warlike nation; her lust of dominion as an ambitious one; and her thirst for a gainful monopoly as a commercial one, (none of them legitimate causes of war,) will join to hide from her eyes every view of her true interest, and continually goad her on in those ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive both of lives and of treasure, that they must prove as pernicious to her in the end, as the Croisades formerly were to most of the nations of Europe.

"I have not the vanity, my Lord, to think of intimidating, by thus predicting the effects of this war; for I know it will in England have the fate of all my former predictions-not to be believed till the event shall verify it.

"Long did I endeavour, with unfeigned and unwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble porcelain vase-the British empire; for I knew that, being once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength and value that existed in the whole; and that a perfect reunion of those parts could scarce ever be hoped for. Your Lordship may possibly remember the tears of joy that wetted my cheek, when, at your good sister's in London, you once gave me expec

About this time the Hessians, &c. had just arrived from Europe at Staten Island and New York. B. V.

was, that I retained the friendship of many wise and good men in that country; and, among the rest, some share in the regard of Lord Howe.

The well-founded esteem, and, permit me to say, affection, which I shall always have for your Lordship, make it painful to me to see you engaged in conducting a war, the great ground of which (as described in your letter) is the necessity of preventing the American trade from passing into foreign channels.' To me it seems, that neither the obtaining or retaining any trade, how valuable. soever, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce, are the goodness and cheapness of commodities; and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it, and holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise; and I am persuaded that cool and dispassionate posterity will condemn to infamy those who advised it; and that even success will not save from some degree of dishonour, those who have voluntarily engaged to conduct it."

"I know your great motive in coming hither was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation; and I believe, when you find that to be impossible, on any terms given you to propose, you will then relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honourable private station.

"With the greatest and most sincere respect, I have the honour to be, &c."-vol. iii. p. 367-371.

None of Dr. Franklin's political writings, during the nine years when he resided as Ambassador at the Court of France, have yet been made public. Some of them, we should imagine, must be highly interesting.

Of the merit of this author as a political economist, we have already had occasion to say something, in the general remarks which we made on the character of his genius; and we cannot now spare time to go much into particulars. He is perfectly sound upon many important and practical points;-upon the corn-trade, and the theory of money, for instance; and also upon the more general doetrines, as to the freedom of commerce, and the principle of population. In the more ele mentary and abstract parts of the science, however, his views seem to have been less just and luminous. He is not very consistent or profound in what he says of the effects of luxury; and seems to have gone headlong into the radical error of the Economistes, when he maintains, that all that is done by manu facture, is to embody the value of the manu facturer's subsistence in his work, and that agriculture is the only source from which a real increase of wealth can be derived. An other favourite position is, that all commerce is cheating, where a commodity, produced by a certain quantity of labour, is exchanged for another, on which more labour has been ex pended; and that the only fair price of any thing, is some other thing requiring the same exertion to bring it to market. This is evidently a very narrow and erroneous view of the nature of commerce. The fair price to the purchaser is, whatever he deliberately chooses to give, rather than go without the commodity;-it is no matter to him, whether

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the seller bestowed much or little labour upon | ders of Boston and Philadelphia, such warn it, or whether it came into his possession ings were altogether unnecessary; and ne without any labour at all;-whether it be a endeavoured, therefore, with more appropridiamond, which he picked up, or a picture, at ate eloquence, to impress upon them the imwhich he had been working for years. The portance of industry, sobriety, and economy, commodity is not valued by the purchaser, and to direct their wise and humble ambition on account of the labour which is supposed to to the attainment of useful knowledge and be embodied in it, but solely on account of honourable independence. That morality, certain qualities, which he finds convenient after all, is certainly the most valuable, which or agreeable: he compares the convenience is adapted to the circumstances of the greater and delight which he expects to derive from part of mankind; and that eloquence the most this object, with the convenience and delight meritorious, that is calculated to convince and which is afforded by the things asked in ex-persuade the multitude to virtue. Nothing change for it; and if he find the former pre- can be more perfectly and beautifully adapted ponderate, he consents to the exchange, and to its object, than most of Dr. Franklin's makes a beneficial bargain. compositions of this sort. The tone of familiarity, of good-will, and homely jocularity the plain and pointed illustrations-the short sentences, made up of short words-and the strong sense, clear information, and obvious conviction of the author himself, make most of his moral exhortations perfect models of popular eloquence; and afford the finest specimens of a style which has been but too little cultivated in a country which numbers perhaps more than half a million of readers among its tradesmen and artificers.

We have stated the case in the name of a purchaser, because, in barter, both parties are truly purchasers, and act upon the same principles; and it is easy to show, that all commerce resolves itself, ultimately, into barter. There can be no unfairness in trade, except where there is concealment on the part of the seller, either of the defects of the commodity, or of the fact that the purchaser may be supplied with it at a cheaper rate by another. It is a matter of fact, but not of morality, that the price of most commodities will be influenced by the labour employed in producing them. If they are capable of being produced in unlimited quantities, the competition of the producers will sink the price very nearly to what is necessary to maintain this labour; and the impossibility of continuing the production, without repaying that labour, will prevent it from sinking lower. The doctrine does not apply at all, to cases where the materials, or the skill necessary to work them up, are scarce in proportion to the demand. The author's speculations on the effects of paper-money, seem also to be superficial and inaccurate. Statistics had not been carefully studied in the days of his activity; and, accordingly, we meet with a good deal of loose assumption, and sweeping calculation in his writings. Yet he had a genius for exact observation, and complicated detail; and probably wanted nothing but leisure, to have made very great advances in this branch of economy. As a writer on morality and general literature, the merits of Dr. Franklin cannot be estimated properly, without taking into consideration the peculiarities that have been already alluded to in his early history and situation. He never had the benefit of any academical instruction, nor of the society of men of letters;-his style was formed entirely by his own judgment and occasional reading; and most of his moral pieces were written while he was a tradesman, addressing himself to the tradesmen of his native city. We cannot expect, therefore, either that he should write with extraordinary elegance or grace; er that he should treat of the accomplishments, follies, and occupations of polite life. He had no great occasion, as a moralist, to expose the guilt and the folly of gaming or seduction; or to point a poignant and playful ridicule against the lighter immoralities of fashionable life. To the mechanics and tra

In writings which possess such solid and unusual merit, it is of no great consequence that the fastidious eye of a critic can discover many blemishes. There is a good deal of vulgarity in the practical writings of Dr. Franklin; and more vulgarity than was any way necessary for the object he had in view There is something childish, too, in some of his attempts at pleasantry; his story of the Whistle, and his Parisian letter, announcing the discovery that the sun gives light as soon as he rises, are instances of this. The solilo quy of an Ephemeris, however, is much better; and both it, and the Dialogue with the Gout, are executed with the lightness and spirit of genuine French compositions. The Speech in the Divan of Algiers, composed as a parody on those of the defenders of the slave trade, and the scriptural parable against persecution are inimitable; they have all the point and facility of the fine pleasantries of Swift and Arbuthnot, with something more of directness and apparent sincerity.

The style of his letters, in general, is excellent. They are chiefly remarkable, for great simplicity of language, admirable good sense and ingenuity, and an amiable and inoffensive cheerfulness, that is never overclouded or eclipsed. Among the most valuable of the writings that are published for the first time, in the present edition, are four letters from Dr. Franklin to Mr. Whatley, written within a few years of his death, and expressive of all that unbroken gaiety, philanthropy, and activity, which distinguish the compositions of his earlier years. We with pleasure the following extracts.

"I am not acquainted with the saying of Alphon sus, which you allude to as a sanctification of rigidity, in refusing to allow me the plea of old a spondence. What was that saying?-You do not, it as an excuse for my want of exactitude in corre seems, feel any occasion for such an excuse, though