and take away from them the means of that direct onset, by which the sanguine in both hosts imagine they might at once achieve a decisive victory. If there were indeed no belligerents, it is plain enough that there could be no neutrals and no mediators. If there was no natural war between Democracy and Monarchy, no true ground of discord between Tories and Radical Reformers-we admit there would be no vocation for Whigs: for the true definition of that party, as matters now stand in England, is, that it is a middle party, between the two extremes of high monarchical principles on the one hand, and extremely popular principles on the other. It holds no peculiar opinions, that we are aware of, on any other points of policy, and no man of common sense can doubt, and no man of common candour deny, that it differs from each of the other parties on the very grounds on which they differ from each other,—the only distinction being that it does not differ so widely.

within their reach, it is not the less ur fair an 1
unworthy in itself, nor the less shortsighted
and ungrateful in the parties who are guilty
of it. For we do not hesitate to say, that it
is substantially to this calumniated and mu-
tually reviled Whig party, or to those who act
on its principles, that the country is truly in-
debted for its peace and its constitution, and
one at least, if not both of the extreme par-
ties, for their very existence! If there were
no such middle body, who saw faults and
merits in both, and could not consent to the
unqualified triumph or unqualified extirpation
of either-if the whole population of the
country was composed of intolerant Tories
and fiery reformers,-of such spirits, in short,
to bring the matter to a plain practical bear-
ing, as the two hostile parties have actually
chosen, and now support as their leaders and
spokesmen, does any man imagine that its
peace or its constitution could be maintained
for a single year? On such a supposition, it
is plain that they must enter immediately on
an active, uncompromising, relentless con-
tention; and, after a short defying parley,
must, by force or fear, effect the entire sub-
version of one or the other; and in either case,
a complete revolution and dissolution of the
present constitution and principle of govern-
ment. Compromise, upon that supposition,
we conceive, must be utterly out of the ques-
tion; as well as the limitation of the contest
to words, either of reasoning or of abuse.
They would be at each other's Throats, before
the end of the year! or, if there was any com
promise, what could it be, but a compromise
on the middle ground of Whiggism?—a vir-
tual conversion of a majority of those very
combatants, who are now supposed so to hate
and disdain them, to the creed of that mod-
erate and liberal party?

Can any thing be so preposterous as a pretended truce between two belligerents, in order that they may fall jointly upon those who are substantially neutral-a dallying and coquetting with mortal enemies, for the purpose of gaining a supposed advantage over those who are to a great extent friends? Yet this is the course that has recently been followed, and seems still to be pursued. It is now some time since the thorough Reformers began to make awkward love to the Royalists, by pretending to bewail the obscuration which the Throne had suffered from the usurpations of Parliamentary influence, the curtailment of the Prerogative by a junto of ignoble boroughmongers,—and the thraldom in which the Sovereign was held by those who were truly his creatures. Since that time, the more prevailing tone has been, to sneer at the Whig aristocracy, and to declaim, with all the bitterness of real fear and affected contempt, on the practical insignificance of men of fortune and talents, who are neither Loyal nor Popular—and, at the same time, to lose no opportunity of complimenting the Tory possessors of power, for every act of liberality, which had been really forced upon them by those very Whigs whom they refuse to acknowledge as even co-operating in the cause! The high Tory or Court party have, in substance, played the same game. They have not indeed affected, so barefacedly, an entire sympathy, or very tender regard for their radical allies: but they have acted on the same principle. They have echoed and adopted the absurd fiction of the unpopularity of the Whigs,—and, speaking with affected indulgence of the excesses into which a generous love of liberty may occasionally hurry the ignorant and unthinking, have reserved all their severity, unfairness, and intolerance, for the more moderate oppo-in nents with whose reasonings they find it more difficult to cope, and whose motives and true position in the country, they are therefore so eager to misrepresent.

Now, though all this may be natural enough in exasperated disputants, who are apt to wreak their vengeance on whatever is most

What is it, then, that prevents such a mortal conflict from taking place at the present moment between those who represent themsent themselves respectively, as engrossing all the principle and all the force of the country? what, but the fact, that a very large portion of the population do not in reality belong to either; but adhere, and are known to adhere, to those moderate opinions, for the profession of which the Whigs and their advocates are not only covered with the obloquy of those whom they save from the perils of such frightful extremities, but are preposterously supposed to have incurred the dislike of those with whom in fact they are identified, and to whom they belong?

And this leads us to say a few words on the second grand position of the Holy Allies, against whom we are now called to defend ourselves, that the Whigs are not only inconsistent and vacillating in their doctrines, but,

consequence of that vice or error, are, in fact, weak, unpopular, and despised in the country. The very circumstance of their being felt to be so formidable as to require this strange alliance to make head against them, and to force their opponents to intermit all other contests, and expend on them exclu sively the whole treasures of their sophistry

and abuse, might go far, we think, to refute | ministration in some measure in their hands, this desperate allegation. But a very short would be glad enough to put down all popu resumption of the principles we have just lar interference, whether by assemblies, by been unfolding will show that it cannot pos- speech, or by writing; and, in fact, only allow sibly be true. the law to be as indulgent as it is, and its adWe reckon as Whigs, in this question, all ministration to be so much more indulgent, those who are not disposed to go the length from a conviction that they would not be sup of either of the extreme parties who would ported in more severe measures, either by now divide the country between them,-all, public opinion without, or even by their own in other words, who wish the Government to majorities within the walls of the Legislature. be substantially more popular than it is, or is They know very well that a great part of their tending to be-but, at the same time, to re-adherents are attached to them by no other tain more aristocratical influence, and more tie than that of their own immediate interest, deference to authority, than the Radical Re--and that, even among them as they now formers will tolerate:-and, we do not hesi- stand, they could command at least as large tate to say, that so far from being weak or inconsiderable in the country, we are perfectly convinced that, among the educated classes, which now embrace a very large proportion of the whole, it greatly outnumbers both the others put together. It should always be recollected, that a middle party like this is invariably much stronger, as well as more determined and formidable, than it appears. Extreme doctrines always make the most noise. They lead most to vehemence, passion, and display,-they are inculcated with most clamour and exaggeration, and excite the greatest alarm. In this way we hear of them most frequently and loudly. But they are not, upon that account, the most widely spread or generally adopted ;-and, in an enlightened country, where there are two opposile kinds of extravagance thus trumpeted abroad together, they serve in a good degree as correctives to each other; and the great body of the people will almost inevitably settle into a middle or moderate opinion. The champions, to be sure, and ambitious leaders on each side, will probably only be exasperated into greater bitterness and greater confidence, by the excitement of their contention. -But the greater part of the lookers-on can scarcely fail to perceive that mutual wounds have been inflicted, and mutual infirmities revealed, and the continuance and very fierceness of the combat is apt to breed a general opinion, that neither party is right, to the height of their respective pretensions; and that truth and justice can only be satisfied by large and mutual concessions.

Of the two parties-the Thorough Reformers are most indebted for an appearance of greater strength than they actually possess, to their own boldness and activity, and the mere curiosity it excites among the idle, co-operating with the sounding alarms of their opponents, -while the high Tories owe the same advantage in a greater degree to the quiet effect of their influence and wealth, and to that prudence which leads so many, who in their hearts are against them, to keep their opinions to themselves, till some opportunity can be found of declaring them with effect. Both, however, are conscious that they owe much to such an illusion, and neither, accordingly, has courage to venture on those measures to which they would infallibly resort, if they trusted to their apparent, as an actual or available strength. The Tories, who have the ad

a following for Whig measures as for Tory measures, if only proposed by an administra tion of as much apparent stability. It is not necessary, indeed, to go farther than to the common conversation of the more open or careless of those who vote and act among the Tories, to be satisfied, that a very large proportion, indeed, of those who pass under that title, are what we should call really Whigs in heart and conviction, and are ready to declare themselves such, on the first convenient opportunity. With regard to the Radical Reformers, again, very little more, we think, can be necessary to show their real weakness in the country, than to observe how very few votes they ever obtain at an election, even in the most open boroughs, and the most popu lous and independent counties. We count for nothing in this question the mere physical force which may seem to be arrayed on their side in the manufacturing districts, on occasions of distress and suffering; though, if they felt that they had even this permanently at their command, it is impossible that they should not have more nominations of parlia mentary attorneys, and more steady and imposing exhibitions of their strength and union.

At the present moment, then, we are persuaded that the proper Whig party is in reality by much the largest and the steadiest in the country; and we are also convinced, that it is in a course of rapid increase. The effect of all long-continued discussion is to disclose flaws in all sweeping arguments, and to multiply exceptions to all general propositionsto discountenance extravagance, in short, to abate confidence and intolerance, and thus to lay the foundations for liberal compromise and mutual concession. Even those who continue to think that all the reason is exclusively on their side, can scarcely hope to convert their opponents, except by degrees. Some few rash and fiery spirits may contrive to pass from one extreme to the other, without going through the middle. But the common course undoubtedly is different; and therefore we are entitled to reckon, that every one who is detached from the Tory or the Radical faction, will make a stage at least, or half-way house, of Whiggism; and may probably be induced, by the comfort and respectability of the establishment, to remain: As the temperate regions of the earth are found to detain the greater part of those who have been induced to fly from the heats of the Equator, or the rigours of the Pole.

siderable time, the general sway of men pro
fessing Tory principles; and their speedy res
toration, when driven for a season from their
places by disaster or general discontent: and
the Whigs, during the same period, must con-
tent themselves with preventing a great deal
of evil, and seeing the good which they had
suggested tardily and imperfectly effected, by
those who will take the credit of originating
what they had long opposed, and only at last
adopted with reluctance and on compulsion.
It is not a very brilliant prospect, perhaps, nor
a very enviable lot. But we believe it to be
what awaits us; and we embrace it, not only
cheerfully, but with thankfulness and pride-
thankfulness, that we are enabled to do even
so much for the good and the liberties of our
country-and pride, that in thus seeking her
service, we cannot well be suspected of selfish
or mercenary views.

ugh it is natural enough, therefore, for
those who hold extreme opinions, to depreciate
the weight and power of those who take their
station between them, it seems sufficiently
certain, not only that their position must at all
times be the safest and best, but that it is des-
tined ultimately to draw to itself all that is
truly of any considerable weight upon either
hand; and that it is the feeling of the con-
stant and growing force of this central attrac-
tion, that inflames the animosity of those
whose importance would be lost by the con-
vergence. For our own part, at least, we are
satisfied, and we believe the party to which
we belong is satisfied, both with the degree
of influence and respect which we possess in
the country, and with the prospects which,
we think, upon reasonable grounde, wo may
entertain of its increase. In assuming to our
selves the character of a middle party, we
conceive that we are merely stating a fact, The thorough Reformers never can be in
which cannot well be disputed on the present power in this country, but by means of an ac-
occasion, as it is assumed by both those who tual revolution. The Whigs may, and occa-
are now opposed to us, as the main ground of sionally will, without any disturbance to its
their common attack; and almost all that we peace. But these occasions might be multi-
have said follows as a necessary consequence plied, and the good that must attend them
of this assumption. From the very nature of accelerated and increased, if the Reformers,
the thing, we cannot go to either of the ex- aware of the hopelessness of their separate
treme parties; and neither of them can make cause, would throw their weight into the scale
any movement to increase their popularity and of the Whigs, and so far modify their preten
substantial power, without coming nearer to sions as to make it safe or practicable to sup-
us. It is but fair, however, before concluding, port them. The Whigs, we have already
to state, that though we do occupy a position said, cannot come to them; both because
between the intolerant Tories and the thorough they hold some of their principles, and thei.
Reformers, we conceive that we are consider-modes of asserting them, to be not merely un-
ably nearer to the latter than to the former. In reasonable, but actually dangerous; and be-
our principles, indeed, and the ends at which
we aim, we do not materially differ from what
is professed by the more sober among them;
though we require more caution, more securi-
ties, more exceptions, more temper, and more
time.

That is the difference of our theories. In practice, we have no doubt, we shall all have time enough:-For it is the lot of England, we have little doubt, to be ruled in the main by what will be called a Tory party, for as long a period as we can now look forward to with any great distinctness-by a Tory party, however, restrained more and more in its propensities, by the growing influence of Whig principles, and the enlightened vigilance of that party, both in Parliament and out of it; and now and then admonished, by a temporary expulsion, of the necessity of a still greater conformity with the progress of liberal opinons, than could be spontaneously obtained. The inherent spirit, however, of monarchy, and the natural effect of long possession of power, will secure, we apprehend, for a con

cause, by their adoption, they would at once
hazard much mischief, and unfit themselves
for the good service they now perform. But
the Reformers may very well come to the
Whigs; both because they can practically do
nothing (peaceably) for themselves, and be
cause the measures which they might occa-
sionally enable the Whigs to carry, though
not in their eyes unexceptionable or sufficient,
must yet appear to them better than those of
the Tories-which is the only attainable al
ternative. This accordingly, we are persuad-
ed, will ultimately be the result; and is al-
ready, we have no doubt, in a course of
accomplishment; - and, taken along with
the gradual abandonment of all that is offen-
sive in Tory pretensions, and the silent adop-
tion of most of the Whig principles, even
by those who continue to disclaim the name,
will effect almost all that sober lovers of their
country can expect, for the security of her
liberties, and the final extinction of all ex
treme parties, in the liberal moderation of
Whiggism.

MISCELLANEOUS.

(May, 1820.)

An Appeal from the Judgments of Great Britain respecting the United States of America. Part First. Containing an Historical Outline of their Merits and Wrongs as Colonies, and Strictures on the Calumnies of British Writers. By ROBERT WALSH, Esq. 8vo. pp. 505. Philadelphia and London: 1819.*

tions, or had any desire to lessen the just effect of his representations, it would have been enough for us, we believe, to have let them alone. For, without some such help as ours, the work really does not seem calculated to make any great impression in this quarter of the world. It is not only, as the author has himself ingenuously observed of it, a very "clumsy book," heavily written and abominably printed,-but the only material part of it

ONE great staple of this book is a vehe-deed, on the score of this author's imputament, and, we really think, a singularly unJust attack, on the principles of this Journal. Yet we take part, on the whole, with the author:-and heartily wish him success in the great object of vindicating his country from unmerited aspersions, and trying to make us, in England, ashamed of the vices and defects which he has taken the trouble to point out in our national character and institutions. In this part of the design we cordially concur-and shall at all times be glad to co-operate. But there is another part of it, and we are sorry to say a principal and avowed part, of which we cannot speak in terms of too strong regret and reprobation--and that is, a design to excite and propagate among his countrymen, a general animosity to the British name, by way of counteracting, or rather revenging, the animosity which he very erroneously supposes to be generally entertained by the English against them.

That this is, in itself, and under any circumstances, an unworthy, an unwise, and even a criminal object, we think we could demonstrate to the satisfaction of Mr. Walsh himself, and all his reasonable adherents; but it is better, perhaps, to endeavour, in the first place, to correct the misapprehensions, and dispel the delusions in which this disposition has its foundation, and, at all events, to set them the example of perfect good humour and fairness, in a discussion where the parties perhaps will never be entirely agreed; and where those who are now to be heard have the strongest conviction of having been injuriously misrepresented. If we felt any soreness, in

the only part about which anybody can now be supposed to care much, either here or in America-is overlaid and buried under a huge mass of historical compilation, which would have little chance of attracting readers at the present moment, even if much better digested than it is in the volume before us.

The substantial question is, what has been the true character and condition of the United States since they became an independent nation,-and what is likely to be their condition in future? And to elucidate this question, the learned author has thought fit to premise about two hundred very close-printed pages, upon their merits as colonies, and the harsh treatment they then received from the mother country! Of this large historical sketch, we cannot say, either that it is very correctly drawn, or very faithfully coloured. It presents us with no connected narrative, or interesting deduction of events-but is, in truth, a mere heap of indigested quotations from common books, of good and bad authority-inartificially cemented together by a loose and angry commentary. We are not aware, indeed, that there are in this part of the work either any new statements, or any new views or opinions; the facts being mostly taken from Chalmers' Annals, and Burke's European Settlements; and the anthorities for the good conduct and ill treatment of the colonies, being chiefly the Parliamentary Debates and Brougham's Colonial Policy.

There is no one feeling-having public con. cerns for its object with which I have been so long and so deeply impressed, as that of the vast importance of our maintaining friendly, and even cordial relations, with the free, powerful, moral, and industrious States of America:-a condition upon which I cannot help thinking that not only our own freedom and prosperity, but that of the better part But, in good truth, these historica. recollecof the world, will ultimately be found to be more tions will go but a little way in determining and more dependent. I give the first place, there-that great practical and most important quesfore, in this concluding division of the work, to an tion, which it is Mr. W.'s intention, as well earnest and somewhat importunate exhortation to

this effect-which I believe produced some impres- as ours, to discuss-What are, and what ought sion at the time, and I trust may still help forward to be, the dispositions of England and Ameri he good end to which it was directed. ca towards each other? And the general facts

as to the first settlements and colonial history ter the general feeling, and to keep alive the of the latter, in so far as they bear upon this memory of animosities that ought not to have question, really do not admit of much dispute. been so long remembered. At last came peace, The most important of those settlements were-and the spirit, we verily believe, but unforunquestionably founded by the friends of civil tunately not the prosperity of peace; and the and religious liberty-who, though somewhat distresses and commercial embarrassments of precise and puritanical, and we must add, not both countries threw both into bad humour; a little intolerant, were, in the main, a sturdy and unfortunately hurried both into a system and sagacious race of people, not readily to of jealous and illiberal policy, by which that be cajoled out of the blessings they had sought bad humour was aggravated, and received an through so many sacrifices; and ready at all unfortunate direction. times manfully and resolutely to assert them against all invaders. As to the mother country, again, without claiming for her any romantic tenderness or generosity towards those hardy offsets, we think we may say, that she oppressed and domineered over them much less than any other modern nation has done over any such settlements-that she allowed them, for the most part, liberal charters and constitutions, and was kind enough to leave them very much to themselves;—and although she did manifest, now and then, a disposition to encroach on their privileges, their rights were, on the whole, very tolerably respected -so that they grew up undoubtedly to a state of much prosperity and a familiarity with freedom in all its divisions, which was not only without parallel in any similar establishment, but probably would not have been attained had they been earlier left to their own guidance and protection. This is all that we ask for England, on a review of her colonial policy, and her conduct before the war; and this, we think, no candid and well-informed person can reasonably refuse her.

As to the War itself, the motives in which it originated, and the spirit in which it was carried on, it cannot now be necessary to say any thing-or, at least, when we say that having once been begun, we think that it terminated as the friends of Justice and Liberty must have wished it to terminate, we conceive that Mr. Walsh can require no other explanation. That this result, however, should have left a soreness upon both sides, and especially on that which had not been soothed by success, is what all men must have expected. But, upon the whole, we firmly belive that this was far slighter and less durable than has generally been imagined; and was likely very speedily to have been entirely effaced, by those ancient recollections of kindness and kindred which could not fail to recur, and by that still more powerful feeling, to which every day was likely to add strength, of their common interests, as free and as commercial countries, and of the substantial conformity of their national character, and of their sentiments upon most topics of public and of private right. The healing operation, however, of these causes was unfortunately thwarted and retarded by the heats that rose out of the French revolution, and the new interests and new relations which it appeared for a time to create:-And the hostilities in which we were at last involved with America herself-though the opinions of her people, as well as our own, were deeply divided upon both questions-served still further to embit

In this exasperated state of the national temper, and we do think, too much under its influence, Mr. Walsh has now thought himself called upon to vindicate his country from the aspersions of English writers; and after arraigning them, generally, of the most incredible ignorance, and atrocious malignity, he proceeds to state, that the EDINBURGH and QUARTERLY Reviews, in particular, have been incessantly labouring to traduce the character of America, and have lately broken out into such "excesses of obloquy," as can no longer be endured; and, in particular, that the prospect of a large emigration to the United States has thrown us all into such "paroxysms of spite and jealousy," that we have engaged in a scheme of systematic defamation that sets truth and consistency alike at defiance. To counteract this nefarious scheme, Mr. W. has taken the field-not so much to refute as to retort-not for the purpose of pointing out our errors, or exposing our unfairness, but, rather, if we understand him aright, of retaliating on us the unjust abuse we have been so long pouring on others. In his preface, accordingly, he fairly avows it to be his intention to act on the offensive-to carry the war into the enemy's quarters, and to make reprisals upon the honour and character of England, in revenge for the insults which, he will have it, her writers have heaped on his country. He therefore proposes to point out,-not the natural complexion, or genuine features, but "the sores and blotches of the British nation," to the scorn and detestation of his countrymen; and having assumed, that it is the "intention of Great Britain to educate her youth in sentiments of the most rancorous hostility to America," he assures us, that this design will, and must be met with corresponding sentiments, on his side of the water!

Now, though we cannot applaud the gen erosity, or even the common humanity of these sentiments-though we think that the American government and people, if at all deserving of the eulogy which Mr. W. has here bestowed upon them, might, like Cromwell, have felt themselves too strong to care about paper shot-and though we cannot but feel that a more temperate and candid tone would have carried more weight, as well as more magnanimity with it, we must yet begin by admitting, that America has cause of complaint;-and that nothing can be more despicable and disgusting, than the scurrility with which she has been assailed by a portion of the press of this country-and that, disgraceful as these publications are, they speak the sense, if not of a considerable, at least of a