Mr. Leckie, "of the first rank, who can neither read nor write." The officers of the army are partly composed of the younger sons of this degenerate race; but for the most part they consist of mere adventurers, from the inferior classes of Palermo and other towns, mixed with Neapolitan, Swiss, Greek, and Italian strollers, wretchedly paid, and unable to support even the appearance of gentlemen. By conscquence the military profession is despised and neglected. The officers are inspired with no honourable sentiments, discipline is neglected, and the civil department of the army is a scene of plunder and disorder. Being a race shockingly inferior to the British soldiers, they are filled, says Mr. Leckie, with envy and hatred towards them; "and we may venture," he adds, 66 to say, that almost the whole of the Neapolitan and Sicilian officers would prefer joining the French to defending their sovereign in conjunction with the British army; their recent behaviour in Calabria, under the prince of Hesse, has fully evinced the truth of this predic tion." Of the 'state of the courts of justice, corrupt to the most disgusting pitch, of the state of the base and ignorant clergy, of the abused and degenerate people, we cannot enter into the author's delineation and details. The application which he makes of this instructive developement is, to expose the unenlightened policy on which the government of this country has proceeded,, and is proceeding, in co-operating with foreign countries to oppose the aggrandisement of French power. He asks, what hopes we can entertain of deriving any aid from a country situated as Sicily is, in making opposition to Buonaparte?, He asks, what a shame it is to be instrumental in upholding such a systein, to waste the taxes of our own "If country, the produce of the people's labour, in adding to the luxuries and plunder of the Sicilian nobility. The thing to be done is not so much to ask the Sicilian government to furnish a certain number of soldiers; as to furnish a certain. number of reforms in itself. Britons," says Mr. Leckie, with virtuous boldness," are doomed to become the defenders of such a system as we have here described, no honest mind can wish them success; but if they incline to be instrumental in establishing a just and equitable polity in the island, they will save the monarch and the people from the yoke of France, and they will draw resources from Sicily, which will make them masters of the commerce of the Mediterranean; they will protect it as a pledge to mankind for the renewal of civil government on the ruins of military usurpation." The matter, he says, is come to a choice between two objects; either to rectify the state of the island, or to cede it to France. It cannot be long kept out of the hands of the French in its present condition. The revenues of Sicily were inadequate while the government had possession of Naples; how can they suffice now? Are we to supply the deficiency out of taxes levied on the people of England? If this our government should be disposed to do; how long does it hope to make the people of Sicily submit to the atrocious oppression which they now see through, and which they are impatient, at any risk, to cast off. "The troops," says Mr. Leckie, "which the king has brought with him are jealous of the British; many are in the interest of the French, and none are sincerely attached to his cause. Co-operating with such allies we stand in greater danger than if we acted without any; and should the French attempt to land, it is certain that they will have some under standing with these by which our army might be betrayed." In regard to the people at large Mr. Leckie, as an eye-witness, states a fact of mighty portent. "The ar"The arrival of our forces in Sicily," says he," has caused a reflection which is in the mouth of every one: If we obtain an amelioration of our condition from the British, their coming will be the period of our ills, and the dawn of our prosperity; but if they leave things as they found them, we are all ready to join the French on the first summons." The king's ministers, those at least protected by the queen, are at pains to infuse a a jealousy of the British into the mind of his majesty. The king who wishes to do nothing but hunt, and has the greatest aversion to public affairs, is governed by the queen. Of the people by whom she is directed, one is a French emigrant, who has a wife in Paris with whom he corresponds, and is a known tool of the French government, the minister for foreign affairs Circello was chosen apparently contrary to the wishes of the queen, for the purpose of deceiving the English ambassador, but was in reality agreeable to her wishes; and Serrati, the minister of the finances, a prior, and the third in the councils of the queen, is entirely in the French interest. "This ministry," says Mr. Leckie, "settled since the arrival of Mr. Drummond as British envoy at Palermo, have ne ver acceded to any one request he has made; and whenever they have answered favourably to his demands, a secret counter order has always been issued to prevent the execution of their promises. For example, wine and other supplies for the British army have been detained and obliged to pay duty contrary to agreement. All other nations whose ships of war touch in Sicily are exempt but the British! This fact will be confirmed by the BriANN. REV. VOL. VII. tish merchants in Sicily!" This is shocking! We maintain an army then for the sake of preserving the king upon his throne; and the very provisions which we send out to maintain this army must pay taxes to the king before they can be landed! The ships of war of Great Britain are obliged to pay taxes in Sicily, while the ships of war of all other nations are free from this imposition! Is this the manner in which the British navy is treated by a government which the people of this country are paying taxes to support? Is this the way in which our vigorous and enlightened set of ministers permit their allies to deal by them? Is this the way in which they dispense the resources of the country? The queen avow edly detests the English, and while she bestows upon them, when present, the most servile flattery, has publicly declared, that when she sees an Englishman, she feels the guillotine on her neck. The king has withdrawn his army from the command of the British general ; and "the misunderstanding," says our author, "is arrived at such a height, that it has been credibly reported, when General Sherbrooke was sent with a reinforcement to Egypt, that the Sicilian ministry undertook to remonstrate by an official note sent to the British envoy. "In this state of things," he adds, "the court is highly discontented with the British; and they, in turn, are jealous, because every thing is done to shew the people of how little consequence they are." The proposal of Mr. Leckie, not only is that we should exert the influence which the degenerate nobles. and court of Sicily dare not resist, to give the people a good government, but that we must extend the beneficent effort to the whole of Italy, and form it all into one, or at most two states; for that it is im possible to preserve Naples from French dominion if upper Italy is left under it. We cannot enter into his details upon this subject. That his conclusion is just, respecting the impossibility of keeping Naples independent, even by a change of government, against the weight of upper Italy and France combined, we suppose no one will doubt. The author afterwards goes on to develope a magnificent plan of operation, by which this country may counteract the progress of the French. The system on which we have proceeded of buttressing up the corrupt and wretched governments of the continent, has been proved, he says, by an experience of fifteen years, to be ineffectual and absurd. But we have the dominion of the sea, and in that is included, if we choose, the dominion of the islands. This dominion, he thinks, has become more and more, through the progress of Buonaparte, necessary for our independence. As Buonaparte has surrounded himself on the continent with confederate states, bound to him by the terror of his arms, let us surround him by sea with confederate states bound to us by the ties of a good government and protection. The Danish islands, the island of Walcheren, Guernsey and Jersey, Gibralter, Sicily, Malta, Crete, Cyprus, would draw, he says, a line of circumvallation round the mighty rival with whom we have to contend, and on every side the French monarchy would be within reach of our enterprises. He dwells with peculiar complacency on the Britannizing, as he calls it, of the Greek islands. The Greek inhabitants, he represents as still a fine race of people, as mixed with but a small proportion of Mahomedans, and ready to join with us as soon as we show them protection. In all cases Mr. Leckie is for proceeding as much as possible by persuasion, and thinks that little else would be necessary. Our first object should, in all cases, be to give the people a free government, and such a government as they themselves would choose to have. He does not explain, however, the details of his plan very distinctly. He is at more pains to answer objections; but in. to his examination of these we can by no means enter. We must entirely omit, likewise, the criticisms which he has accumulated in the latter part of his work, on the more recent proceedings of our government. Some of them we reckon just, and some of them not; but none of so much importance as to require from us any particular notice, after the length to which we have already extended this review. His observations, however, on the last treaty with Sicily must not be omitted. "The stipulation," he says, of the third article, by which the British are to have provisions duty free, is, in the first instance, a gross fallacy; and if it were not so, it is no more than what all foreign armaments have from time immemorial enjoyed in the ports of that kingdom: but the subsidy of 300,000l. which is paid in consequence of these weighty considerations, is the most absurd of all; for either the money will be applied to an armament raised from a people discontented with the government, and then it is levying an army against ourselves; or the mo ney will be made away with by the agents of the Sicilian government. In that case our salvation must depend on our being the dupes of the negotiation.-With these miserable means we oppose the profound wisdom and artful subtlety of the French cabinet!" Mr. Leckie is, undoubtedly, a man of much more than ordinary discernment in political affairs. His views are liberal, ingenious, often just, and sometimes profound. But. they have not the systematic connection and accuracy of a man of truly philosophical habits of thought. After a just, and an ingenious reflection you are often surprised by a vulgar error. In the heat of defending a favourite object, he is found vindicating actions, entirely unconnected with it, and complete ly unworthy of vindication. Even in explaining the Sicilian government, he is very indistinct, and not a little study must be expended on his description to understand how things proceed, and what is the origin and extent of the abuses which exist. ART. XXVI. Public Spirit. 8vo. pp. 104. ART. XXVII. A few Observations on the THIS author has a very happy command of language, and we agree with him in most of his opinions. He is, too, so fair and candid a writ. er, that we feel sorry to be obliged auspicious causes, may have too long remained supine." The motive is thus clearly good, but the amount of the benefit, we fear, will not correspond with the patriotic intentions of the author. There is nothing in his rebukes and exhortations which promises any remarkable effects. present State of the Nation. By F. RAN8vo. pp. 99. to qualify our approbation. Vox & preterea nihil would be too harsh a sentence; but there is too much of the vor, and too little of the preterea. ART. XXVIII. Considerations on the Causes, Objects and Consequences of the present War. By W. Roscoe, Esq. 8vo. pp. 136. ART. XXIX. Remarks on the Proposals made to Great Britain, for opening Negociations for Peace, &c. By W. Roscoe, Esq. 8vo. pp. 152. THESE two performances of this distinguished author relate to subjects so analogous, that they may, with great propriety be considered under one head. The celebrity of the writer, and the importance of the discussions, would have authorized and required a long review. But the occasions on which they were produced have so long gone by, that the necessity or propriety of such a lengthened criticism no longer exists. The object of the author, in both of them, is to hold forth the enlightened and humane policy of peace. Almost all countries are by far too prone to war; and no country, probably, surpasses our own in this unfortunate propen sity. Mr. Roscoe combats with elegance and wisdom the reasons, which, on several late occasions, have prevailed against pacific measures in the councils of our country, and the breasts of our countrymen. Another important part of the author's intention appears to have been to recommend a liberal, a candid, condescending, and generous policy, towards foreign nations; a lesson this, too, which our country is extremely averse to learn. An arrogant, oberbearing, supercilious and rapacious tone, is much more agreeable,to our taste; but Mr. Ros coe easily shews that it is by no means according to our interest. A third object, of the highest consi deration, is here too by the author pressed upon the attention of his countrymen; we mean the sacred and indispensable obligation of reverencing the great and eternal principles of moral righteousness in our transactions with other nations. The author's observations on this particular point, had a more immediate reference to a signal and never-to-be-forgotten instance of the violation of these sacred principles, and are at once eloquent and convincing. The tone of li berty, of justice, and of liberality, which the present productions of Mr. Roscoe breathe, is highly to his honour. But he is too much in the trammels of a party. In defending the late ministry, he approaches too near to the betraying of his principles, principles, according to which that ministry ought to have made peace, and did not. In political views, too, he is not profound; but he is often just, and always elegant and persuasive, ART. XXX. Survey of Europe, &c. By M. ANDREWS, L. S. 8vo. pp. 141. WE have but little praise to bestow upon Mr. Andrews. As for his plan of warfare, which is to perform all the mighty things promised in the title page, it is to consist of a flying, but very powerful armament, partly military, partly naval. This is to proceed round the coasts of Europe, and to take, burn, and destroy, every thing within their reach. He begins with Boulogne and the flotilla: this is taken. After giving a good account of every thing which is between Boulogne and Brest, they proceed to Brest: take that in spite of all resistance; proceed on to l'Orient; take it; carry every thing before them; and at last, as he says, "reduce the combined powers of France and her allies." On this, we believe, our readers will join with us in wishing, according to the homely expression that it were as easily done as said; and in thinking that any further account of it is altogether unnecessary. With regard to the political speculations, they are, in general, abundantly presumptuous, and almost all calculated to confirm rather than remove the popular prejudices of the nation." ART. XXXI. A Letter from Mr. Whitbread to Lord Holland, on the present Situation of Spain. 8vo. pp. 15. ART. XXXII. An Exposure of the Arts and Machinations which led to the Usurpation of the Crown of Spain, &c. By DON PEDRO CEVALLOS. 8vo. pp. 128. ART. XXXIII. The Dawn of Liberty on the Continent of Europe, or the Struggle of the Spanish Patriots, &c. By J, AGG. 8vo. pp. 83. WE have placed these three publications together, as all relating to the same important subject, and as not requiring, in a literary point of view, a separate consideration. Mr. Whitbread's letter was written shortly after the termination of the last session of parliament, principally with a view to obviate some misrepresentations, which the illustrious author seems to think had been put upon the speech, relating to Spanish affairs, which he had recently delivered in parliament Besides this point, and the warm interest which he thinks it requisite to show that he takes in the Spanish conflict, the only remarkable particular in the pamphlet, is the advice which Mr. Whitbread offers to negotiate with Buonaparte, for the restoration of Ferdinand, and a retrocession from Spanish affairs. The manifesto of Don Pedro Cevallos, intended to expose the long harboured designs of Buonaparte against Spain, and to make it appear that a long course of dark |