IT has been the aim of the editor of these volumes to present the public with a collection of the most polished orations of our public speakers, on different political and judicial subjects, as calculated, at once, to infuse the spirit of true eloquence, and the genuine principles of the constitution: to attain this object he has made choice, he says, of those speeches on different subjects of legislation and jurisprudence which have chiefly occupied the attention of the public, during the last forty years, and have added great celebrity to those members of the senate and the bar who delivered them.

With this exposition of the editor's plan, and the title, which we have transcribed, we might rest satisfied if this were a common compilation, such as the press in these times too much abounds with, or executed in the usual manAs this, however, is not the character of the volumes now before us, we shall enter more at large into

their merits.

The design of the introduction to the work, which consists of about twenty pages, is to point out the chief obstacles to the progress of eloquence, and the principal causes of its decline. Having referred to the orators of ancient times, our author says,

"It is enough to have traced its most

memorable revolutions in ancient Greece and Rome, without plunging into the darkness of ignorance and barbarism, which overspread Europe for so many ages after. The dawn or revival of letters is commonly dated from the begin ning of the sixteenth century; but though Italy and France may boast of having taken the lead in various works of taste and genius, yet neither of them pro

duced a Demosthenes or a Cicero. This honor was reserved for England, whose sons, animated by the spirit of liberty, rose to the utmost heights of oratorical eminence, and have regularly consigned the elevated post to their successors for been known in the history of Man. It a longer period than ever before had was not however till the close of the seventeenth century, after domestic tyrants had been expelled, and the pride of foreign enemies humbled in the dust;

after proper checks had been imposed on the abuse of royal authority, and the rights and privileges of the people distinctly ascertained; that the freedom of the press and the still more uncontroled freedom of speech in parliament gave to British Eloquence that fire, energy, and grandeur for which it has ever since beca so justly admired and distinguished.

"If we take a view of Cicero's highly finished gallery of oratorical portraits, and, after doing ample justice to the painter's exquisite art, come to consider the small collection of proper subjects that he discovered worthy of notice from the beginning to the termination of the Roman republic, we shall be astonished British liberty producing a far greater to find the first twenty or thirty years of

number of illustrious orators than the

eminent Historian of Eloquence, with all his accuracy of research and his ardent zeal for the honor of his country, could discover in its most brilliant annals for a series of five centuries. In the short reigns of King William and Queen Anne, we may proudly mention the names of a Somers, a Holt, an Ashley, a Montague, a Harley, a St. John, a Coningsby, a Je kyl, and many of their cotemporaries, [contemporaries] whose speeches and out the least dread of inferiority, to any whose writings may be opposed, withof those so highly extolled by the Roman panegyrist.”

Hence Dr. B. examines particularly the pretensions of lord Somers and lord Bolingbroke to the character of orators, and, as well

my boast that I was the first minister who sought for it in the mountains of the north. I called it forth, and drew into your service an hardy, an intrepid race of men, who were once dreaded as the inveterate enemies of the state. When I ceased to serve his majesty as a miníster, it was not the country of the man, by which 1 was moved, but the man of that country held principles incompatible with freedom. It is a long time, Mr. Speaker, since I have attended in parliament.

When the resolution was taken in this house to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could have endured to have been carried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor, to have borne my testimony against it. It is my opinion that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the Colonies. At the same time, I as sert the authority of this kingdom to be sovereign and supreme in every circumstance of government and legislation whatsoever. Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative power: the taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone. The concurrence of the Peers and of the Crown is necessary only as a form of law. This house represents the commons of Great Britain. When in this house we give and grant; therefore we give and grant what is our own; but can we give and grant the property of the commons of America? It is an absurdity in terms. There is an idea in some, that the colonies are virtually represented in this house? I would fain know by whom? The idea of virtual representation is the most contemptible that ever entered into the head of man: it does not deserve a serious refutation. The commons in America, represented in their several assemblies, have invariably exercised this constitutional right of giving and granting their own money: they would have been slaves, if they had not enjoyed it. At the same time this kingdom has ever pos⚫ sessed the power of legislative and commercial control. The colonies ac

knowledge your authorities in all things, with the sole exception that you shall not take their money out of their pockets without their consent. Here would I draw the line, quam ultra citraque nequit Consistere rectum.”

"Mr. George Grenville, the author of the obnoxious tax, entered into a vindication of the justice and policy of the measure. He asserted, that the tumults in America bordered upon open rebellion; and if the doctrine promulgated that day were confirmed, he feared they would loose this name to take that of revolution. He affirmed taxation to be a branch of the sovereign power, and that it had been frequently exercised over those who were never represented; it was exercised over the East India and other chartered companies; over the proprietors of stocks; and over many great manufacturing towns. It was exercised over the palatinate of Chester and the bishopric of Durham, before they sent representatives to parliament. He appealed for proofs to the preambles of the act, which gave them representatives, and which, by his desire, were read to the house. He said that when he pro posed to tax America, the right was by no one called in question. Protection and obedience were reciprocal: Great Britain protects America; America is therefore bound to yield obedience." If not, tell me," said, "when were the Americans emancipated? The seditious spirit of the colonies owes its birth to the factions in this house. We were told we trod on tender ground; we were bid to expect disobedience; what was this but telling America to stand out against the law?-to encourage their obstinacy with the expectation of sup port from hence? Ungrateful people of America! The nation has run itself into an immense debt to give them protection: bounties have been extended to them: in their favor the act of navigation, that palladium of the British commerce, has been relaxed; and now they are called upon to contribute a small share towards the public expence, they renounce your authority, insult your officers, and break out, I might almost say, into open rebellion."

Afterwards we have Mr. Pitt's very animated reply. In this way Dr. Browne interweaves a certain

portion of historical knowledge with the efforts of our most illustrious statesmen. In general, though not in all cases, he gives as many facts as are necessary to supply the deficiencies of those who have neg

lected to inform themselves upon the topics on which the principal epochs of the history depend.

The third part which occupies the whole of the last volume, is devoted to the speeches and pleadings in our courts of law, with the exception of Mr. Fox's and Mr. Erskine's speeches in the house of Commons, on the law of libel. The subjects discussed are of high importance, in a moral, political, and constitutional point of view, and the speeches made on the several occasions by Mr. (now lord) Erskine, Mr. Curran and Mr. Mackintosh in behalf of their clients; and by John Horne Tooke in justification of himself when prosecuted for a libel, will be long regarded as some of the finest specimens of forcible rea

soning, and of the most powerful eloquence. The length of these precludes us from presenting our readers with any one: they have all been read with delight in separate publications, but we think Dr. Browne has executed a good work, and deserves the thanks of the public, for bringing them together in his British Cicero.

We cannot take our leave of this publication, without expressing our high approbation of its design and execution, and of recommending it to the perusal and study of all who wish to form a just estimate of the oratorical talents of the eminent men, whose speeches it exhibits, or to improve them selves in the noble art of eloquence.

THIS is a very judicious and useful compilation, which, with pleasure, we recommend to all who have the care and instruction of youth, as calcutated to form their taste, and establish their virtuous principles, by bringing before them

ART. V.

in the most agreeable manner some of the best moral lessons, and at the same time, some of the finest specimens of elegant composition, both in prose and verse, in the English language.

WE are not informed by Mr. R. why he undertook this compilation; nor do we think that the original peculiarities of it are of any great importance. However, it contains a great variety of matter, and a considerable proportion of the selections, many of which we are glad to see accessible to the young, are not, as far as we recollect, to be found in similar collections.

The most striking part of the book is "the morning and evening

service of the church, with the punctuation so adjusted, and the emphatical words so distinguished, as to exhibit the whole import and force of the composition." We do not think that any careful, sensible, reader of the Liturgy, can be benefitted by this guide; though it may preserve from gross blunders, those who do not feel interested in what they read. It may however answer the useful purpose of leading the ecclesiastical cadet to pay attention