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of forays, and rencounters, and petty engagements, and small military expeditions, which it describes. Some of these are highly interesting and full of romance, and as the work proceeds the operations become more important; but we cannot help regretting that the narrative is not more frequently relieved by incidents which would have broken in upon the interminable series of skirmishes, sieges, and battles, and which, in the glimpses they might have presented of the domestic manners of the times, would have afforded a profitable and agreeable variety. Mr Irving might easily have availed himself of the facilities afforded by his present residence in Spain, to achieve this additional object.

the Holy Land ;"-" How Queen Isabella took a view of the City of Granada, and how her curiosity cost the lives of many Christians and Moors ;" &c. &c.

It would not be difficult to select numerous passages, each more interesting, and displaying finer powers of writing, than the other; but we shall content ourselves with only two or three, leaving the reader to enjoy the rest of the work at his own best leisure. Chapter XVII. begins in the following simple and beautiful manner :—

"The sentinels looked out from the watch-towers o

Loxa, along the valley of the Xenil, which passes through the mountains of Algaringo. They looked to behold the

As a whole, however, we have been very much charm-king returning in triumph, at the head of his shining

ed with this work. The subject is a remarkably happy one; and its execution is worthy of the best days of chivalry. The Moors, who, in the time of their greatest glory, reigned masters over all Spain, had, in the decay of their power, gradually been deprived of territory after territory, till the kingdom of Granada alone remained. It remained, however, powerful and flourishing, and there was not a Moor who did not feel towards it as a father who has lost all his children save one, and who heaps upon the survivor the whole affections of his heart. And Granada was worthy of a patriot's love, with the tideless Mediterranean on its shores, with its green hills and majestic sierras, with its deep, rich, and verdant valJeys, with its cities and their alhambras, and with an air so pure, and sky so serene, that the Moors believed the paradise of their prophet to be situated in that part of the heaven which overhung their kingdom. When, therefore, the ambition of Ferdinand and Isabella, who had united under one sceptre, the kingdoms of Castile, Leon, and Arragon, directed its attention to the conquest of Granada, it was no marvel that one of the fiercest and most anxiously contested wars took place that ever depopulated a country;-it was no marvel that every inch of ground was disputed, and that the Spaniards, animated by a desire to drive the infidels finally and for ever out of Spain, and the Mahometans, no less desirous of preserving a country and a name in Europe, should perform such prodigies of valour as had rarely been equalled, and have never been surpassed. These are the deeds which Mr Irving undertakes to recount, and he does so in a style such as becomes the author of the "Sketch Book," -flowing, graceful, and picturesque. ·

In the year 1478, a Spanish cavalier was dispatched by Ferdinand to the court of the Moorish sovereign, Muley Aben Hassan, to demand the tribute which it had been customary for his father to pay, but which the son

had allowed to fall into arrear. When the Spaniard de-
livered his message, a haughty and bitter smile curled the
lip of the fierce monarch. "Tell your sovereign," said
he, “that the kings of Granada, who used to pay tribute
in money to the Castilian crown, are dead. Our mint at
present coins nothing but blades of cimeters and heads of
lances." The defiance thus boldly thrown down was the
immediate prelude to the war of ten years. It is impos-
sible for us to attempt following that war through all its
various fortunes and chivalrous exploits; but a few of the
titles to the different chapters, which are given in the
quaint style of the old Spanish writers, will afford our
readers some notion of the nature of the contents. We

meet with many such headings as these:- How the
Moor determined to strike the first blow in the war ;".
"How the people of Granada were affected on hearing of
the capture of Alhama, and how the Moorish king sal-
lied forth to regain it ;"-" How the Count de Cabra
sallied forth from his castle in quest of King Boabdil;"
"Of the high and ceremonious reception at court of
the Count de Cabra and the Alcayde de los Donzeles ;"-
"Foray of Christian knights into the territories of the
Moors;"-" How Hamet el Zegri sallied forth with the
sacred banner to attack the Christian camp;"—" How
two friars arrived at the camp, and how they came from

host, laden with the spoil of the unbeliever. They looked to behold the standard of their warlike idol, the fierce Ali Aten, borne by the chivalry of Loxa, ever foremost in the

wars of the border.

He

"In the evening of the 21st of April, they descried a single horseman, urging his faltering steed along the banks of the river. As he drew near, they perceived, by the flash of arms, that he was a warrior; and, on nearer approach, by the richness of his armour, and the caparison of his steed, they knew him to be a warrior of rank. reached Loxa faint and aghast; his Arabian courser covered with foam and dust and blood, panting and staggerHaving ing with fatigue, and gashed with wounds. brought his master in safety, he sunk down and died before the gate of the city. The soldiers at the gate gathered round the cavalier, as he stood, mute and melancholy, by his expiring steed. They knew him to be the gallant Cidi Caleb, nephew of the chief alfaqui of the Albaycen of Granada. When the people of Loxa beheld this noble cavalier thus alone, haggard and dejected, their hearts were filled with fearful ferebodings. 'Cavalier,' said they, 'how fares it with the king and army?' He cast his hand mournfully towards the land of the Christians. There they lie! exclaimed he: The heavens have fallen upon them! all are lost! all dead!' Upon this there was a great cry of consternation among the people, and loud wailings of women; for the flower of the youth of Loxa were with the army. An old Moorish soldier, scarred in many a border battle, stood leaning on his lance by the gateway. Where is Ali Atar?' demanded he eagerly- -If he still live, the army cannot be lost!' I saw his turban cloven by the Christian sword,' replied Cidi Caleb. His body is floating in the Xenil.' When the soldier heard these words, he smote his breast, and threw dust upon his head; for he was an old follower of Ali Atar. The noble Cidi Caleb gave himself no repose; but, mounting another steed, hastened to carry the disastrous tidings to Granada. As he passed through the villages and hamlets, he spread sorrow around; for their chosen men had followed the king to the wars.

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"When he entered the gates of Granada, and announced the loss of the king and army, a voice of horror went throughout the city.

.

*

"Beautiful Granada!' they exclaimed, how is thy glory faded! The vivanambla no longer echoes to the tramp of steed and sound of trumpet; no longer is it crowded with the youthful nobles, eager to display their prowess in the tourney and the festal tilt of reeds. Alas! the flower of thy chivalry lies low in a foreign land! The soft note of the lute is no longer heard in thy mournful streets, the lively castanet is silent upon thy hills, and the graceful dance of the zambra is no more seen beneath thy bowers! Behold, the Alhambra is forlorn and desolate! In vain do the orange and myrtle breathe their perfumes into its silken chambers; in vain does the nightingale sing within its groves; in vain are its marble halls refreshed by the sound of fountains and the gush of limpid rills! Alas! the countenance of the king no longer shines within those halls; the light of the Alhambra is set for ever!"-Vol. i. pp. 163-9.

Our next extract is of a more spirit-stirring kind :

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THE DARING EXPLOITS OF A MOORISH AND A CHRISTIAN
CAVALIER.

"When the Moorish knights beheld that all courteous challenges were unavailing, they sought various means to provoke the Christian warriors to the field. Sometimes a body of them, fleetly mounted, would gallop up to the skirts of the camp, and try who should hurl his lance farthest within the barriers; leaving his name inscribed on it, or a label affixed to it, containing some taunting defiance. These bravadoes caused great irritation; but still the Spanish warriors were restrained by the prohibition of the king.

and cimeters, and defying them to single combat, which they found themselves most unwillingly obliged to decline. The "Chronicle" then proceeds thus:

THE FATE OF THE MOORISH CAVALIER.

"While this grim and reluctant tranquillity prevailed along the Christian line, there rose a mingled shout and sound of laughter near the gate of the city. A Moorish horseman, armed at all points, issued forth, followed by a rabble, who drew back as he approached the scene of danger. The Moor was more robust and brawny than was common with his countrymen. His visor was closed; he bore a large buckler and ponderous lance; his cimeter was of a Damascus blade, and his richly ornamented dag

"Among the Moorish cavaliers was one named Tarfe, renowned for his great strength and daring spirit, but whose courage partook of fierce audacity rather than chi-ger was wrought by an artificer of Fez. He was known valric heroism. In one of these sallies, when they were skirting the Christian camp, this arrogant Moor outstripped his companions, overleaped the barriers, and, galloping close to the royal quarters, launched his lance so far within, that it remained quivering in the earth, close by the pavilions of the sovereigns. The royal guards rushed forth in pursuit; but the Moorish horsemen were already beyond the camp, and scouring in a cloud of dust for the city. Upon wresting the lance from the earth, a label was found upon it, importing, that it was intended for the queen.

"Nothing could equal the indignation of the Christian warriors at the insolence of the bravado, when they heard to whom the discourteous insult was offered. Fernando Perez del Pulgar, surnamed he of the exploits,' was present, and resolved not to be outbraved by this daring infidel. 'Who will stand by me,' said he, in an enterprise of desperate peril?' The Christian cavaliers well knew the hair-brained valour of Del Pulgar; yet not one hesitated to step forward. He chose fifteen companions, all men of powerful arm and dauntless heart. In the dead of the night he led them forth from the camp, and approached the city cautiously, until he arrived at a postern gate, which opened upon the Darro, and was guarded by foot soldiers. The guards, little thinking of such an unwonted and partial attack, were for the most part asleep. The gate was forced, and a confused and chancemedley skirmish ensued. Fernando del Pulgar stopped not to take part in the affray. Putting spurs to his horse, he galloped furiously through the streets, striking fire out of the stones at every bound. Arrived at the principal mosque, he sprang from his horse, and, kneeling at the portal, took possession of the edifice as a Christian chapel, dedicating it to the blessed Virgin. In testimony of the ceremony, he took a tablet, which he had brought with him, on which was inscribed in large letters, Ave Maria,' and nailed it to the door of the mosque with his dagger. This done, he remounted his steed, and galloped back to the gate. The alarm had been given; the city was in an uproar; soldiers were gathering from every direction. They were astonished at seeing a Christian warrior speeding from the interior of the city. Fernando del Pulgar, overturning some, and cutting down others, rejoined his companions, who still maintained possession of the gate, by dint of hard fighting, and they all made good their retreat to the camp. The Moors were at a loss to conjecture the meaning of this wild and apparently fruitless assault; but great was their exasperation, when, on the following day, they discovered the trophy of hardihood and prowess, the Ave Maria, thus elevated in the very centre of the city. The mosque, thus boldly sanctified by Fernando del Pulgar, was eventually, after the capture of Granada, converted into a cathedral."-Vol. ii. pp. 327-30.

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The matter did not end here. Shortly afterwards, Isabella rode out from the camp to take a nearer view of the town of Granada. She was attended by a retinue of knights, who had the strictest orders not to leave her side under any circumstances. Many Moorish horsemen came galloping towards them, brandishing their lances

by his device to be Tarfe, the most insolent, yet valiant, of the Moslem warriors; the same who had hurled into the royal camp his lance, inscribed to the queen. As he rode slowly along, in front of the army, his very steed, prancing with fiery eye and distended nostril, seemed to breathe defiance to the Christians. But what were the feelings of the Spanish cavaliers, when they beheld, tied to the tail of his steed, and dragged in the dust, the very inscription, Ave Maria, which Fernando Perez del Pulgar had affixed to the door of the mosque ! A burst of horror and indignation broke forth from the army. Fernando del Pulgar was not at hand to maintain his previous achievement, but one of his young companions in arms, Garcilasso de la Vega by name, putting spurs to his horse, galloped to the hamlet of Zubia, threw himself on his knees before the king, and besought permission to accept the defiance of this insolent infidel, and to revenge the insult offered to our blessed Lady. The request was too pious to be refused; Garcilasso remounted his steed; he closed his helmet, graced by four sable plumes; grasp. ed his buckler, of Flemish workmanship, and his lance, of matchless temper, and defied the haughty Moor in the midst of his career. A combat took place, in view of the two armies, and of the Castilian court. The Moor was powerful in wielding his weapons, and dexterous in managing his steed. He was of larger frame than Garcilasso, and more completely armed; and the Christians trembled for their champion. The shock of their encounter was dreadful; their lances were shivered, and sent up splinters in the air. Garcilasso was thrown back in his saddle, and his horse made a wide career before he could recover his position, gather up the reins, and return to the conflict. They now encountered each other with swords. The Moor circled round his opponent as a hawk circles when about to make a swoop; his Arabian steed obeyed his rider with matchless quickness; at every attack of the infidel, it seemed as if the Christian knight must sink beneath his flashing cimeter. But if Garcilasso was inferior to him in power, he was superior in agility; many of his blows he parried, others he received on his Flemish buckler, which was proof against the Damascus blade. The blood streamed from numerous wounds, received by either warrior. The Moor, seeing his anta gonist exhausted, availed himself of his superior force; and, grappling, endeavoured to wrest him from his saddle. They both fell to the earth; the Moor placed his knee on the breast of his victim, and, brandishing his dagger, aimed a blow at his throat. A cry of despair was uttered by the Christian warriors, when suddenly they beheld the Moor rolling lifeless in the dust! cilasso had shortened his sword, and, as his adversary raised his arm to strike, had pierced him to the heart. It was a singular and miraculous victory,' says Fray Antonio Agapida; but the Christian knight was armed by the sacred nature of his cause, and the holy Virgin gave him strength, like another David, to slay this gigantic champion of the Gentiles.'"-Vol. ii. pp. 335–38.

Gar

We have room for only one extract more. It describes, in moving and eloquent terms, the departure of Boabdil, the last Moorish King of Granada, together with his fa

mily, from that splendid palace which his forefathers had built, and which stood in the midst of that princely city he was never again to revisit :-

"It was a night of doleful lamentings within the walls of the Alhambra, for the household of Boabdil were preparing to take a last farewell of that delightful abode. All the royal treasures, and the most precious effects of the Alhambra, were hastily packed upon mules; the beautiful apartments were despoiled, with tears and wailings, by their own inhabitants. Before the dawn of day, a mournful cavalcade moved obscurely out of a postern gate of the Alhambra, and departed through one of the most retired quarters of the city. It was composed of the family of the unfortunate Boabdil, whom he sent off thus privately that they might not be exposed to the eyes of scoffers, or the exultation of the enemy. The mother of Boabdil, the Sultana Ayxa la Horra, rode on in silence, with dejected yet dignified demeanour; but his wife, Zorayma, and all the females of his household, gave way to loud lamentations, as they gave a last look to their favourite abode, now a mass of gloomy towers behind them. They were attended by the ancient domestics of the household, and by a small guard of veteran Moors, loyally attached to the fallen monarch, and who would have sold their lives dearly in defence of his family. The city was yet buried in sleep, as they passed through its silent streets. The guards at the gate shed tears as they opened it for their departure. They tarried not, but proceeded along the banks of the Xenil, on the road that leads to the Alpuxarias, until they arrived at a hamlet, at some distance from the city, where they halted, and waited until they should be joined by King Boabdil.

"Having rejoined his family, Boabdil set forward with a heavy heart for his allotted residence, in the valley of Porchena. At two leagues distance, the cavalcade, winding into the skirts of the Alpuxarias, ascended an eminence commanding the last view of Granada. As they arrived at this spot, the Moors paused involuntarily, to take a farewell gaze at their beloved city, which a few steps more would shut from their sight for ever. Never had it appeared so lovely in their eyes. The sunshine, so bright in that transparent climate, lighted up each tower and minaret, and rested gloriously upon the crowning battlements of the Alhambra; while the vega spread its enamelled bosom of verdure below, glistening with the silver windings of the Xenil. The Moorish cavaliers gazed with a silent agony of tenderness and grief upon that delicious abode, the scene of their loves and pleasures. While they yet looked, a light cloud of smoke burst forth from the citadel; and presently a peal of artillery, faintly heard, told that the city was taken possession of, and the throne of the Moslem kings was lost forever. The heart of Boabdil, softened by misfortunes, and overcharged with grief, could no longer contain itself, Allah achbar! God is great!' said he; but the words of resignation died upon his lips, and he burst into a flood of tears."-Vol. ii. p. 372.

This hill, from which Boabdil looked back, for the last time, on fair Granada, is still known in Spain by the poetical name of El ultimo suspiro del Moro, or " the last sigh of the Moor."

To those who love to dwell on all that is brilliant and chivalrous, and to whom the glories of the old days present a theme for rich and splendid thought,-to those who love to study the romance of real life, and to forget their own misfortunes in the far more startling reverses with which the men of forgotten generations were familiarized, to those who love to see the tedious details of history woven into a narrative, which, in many respects, rivals in interest the most cunningly devised fable, we heartily recommend Washington Irving's "Chronicle of the Conquest of Granada."

Trials and other Proceedings in Matters Criminal before the High Court of Justiciary in Scotland; Selected from the Records of that Court, and from Original Manuscripts preserved in the General Register House, Edinburgh. By Robert Pitcairn, W.S. Part I., from the commencement of the reign of King James VI., to July 22, 1590. Edinburgh: published by William Tait, and by John Stevenson. London: by Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green, and by John Cochran. 1829.

find pleasure in perusing the records of a criminal court. THERE are two very different classes of readers who The mere lover of the interesting or the horrible, who runs over their contents as he would the Mysteries of Udolpho, looks merely to the tale, the truth or falsehood of which it is the object of the proceedings to elicit, and his pleasure is derived from the shuddering interest all feel in the story of fierce passion and crime, heightened occasionally, and rendered more piquant, by the naive manner in which a witness may deliver his evidence. The student of man and society, however, finds in such pages a wide field for deep reflection. The very forms of judicial procedure—the mere abstract canvassing of points of law, interest him; for, in following them out through a lapse of years, he sees how the principles of justice, at first vaguely conceived, become more and more distinctly apprehended; how gradually a comprehensive and consistent system emerges out of a few apparently unconnected rules; and how long practice gives fitness and efficiency to the institutions for enforcing law. In the deeds which are submitted to the investigation of the court, in the bearing of the perpetrators, nay, in the manner in which the witnesses, subject to bias and misapprehension, vary and perplex the tale, he learns to know the human heart in all its waywardness. It is this that makes the law of a nation, and particularly that part of its law which takes cognizance of crime, one of the most instructive chapters in its history.

The present number of the work, the name of which we have transcribed above, will be found possessed of comparatively few attractions for the former class of readers. It is more likely to be rightly appreciated by the latter, who, devoted to historical research, and the study of human nature, know how to value every piece of additional authentic information, completing with it the knowledge of some point which they had already acquired, or storing it up, broken and fragmentary as it is, in the hope, at some future period, to be able to reunite it to the mass from which it has been shivered. Even to this class, the work may possibly not yet appear so valuable as it will hereafter prove, when eked out by the selections from the earlier part of the records, which we are told, in the Prospectus, are to follow.

Part I. contains the proceedings before the Court of Justiciary in Scotland, during the stormy period which intervened between the accession of James VI. to the Scottish throne, and his return from Denmark with his Queen in 1590. We must confess that we have not received so much information respecting the principles of law which dictated the decisions of the Court, or respecting the forms which it observed, as we had anticipated. We free of blame for this. are not quite certain whether the Editor be altogether It is true, as he tells us in the preface, that the "Books of Adjournal" must have been> very carelessly kept during the period which it embraces; that the proceedings are often recorded" in a very brief and unsatisfactory manner;" and that, in many instances, the minute books alone have been preserved. It is likewise true, that there is strong ground of suspicion, that in some instances portions of the Record have been suppressed by one or other of the prevailing factions. At the same time he confesses, that along with the minute books, "the dittays, evidence of witnesses, and other productions," have been preserved. It

The picture presented to our view, is such as the previous history of Scotland would have led us to expect. The long and frequent minorities of its kings,-the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a not very numerous nobility, the close union of these few into clans, by means of frequent intermarriages, had been successful in keeping the executive too weak to organize and quiet the country. Literature and science had for some time found their way into the nation; but they were as yet only struggling for a firm footing, even among the wealthier and more easy classes. A few bright lights there were, but the mass of the nation remained as yet dark-neither softened nor warmed by their ray. Turbulence and rudeness, but, to counterbalance them, a want of the more polished vices, were the characteristics of society. Among the people had been kindled the zeal of an ascetic and intolerant system of religion. The deep devotion which it recommends as the motive of every action, the rigid correctness of life which it enjoins, were destined, at a later period, to form a peasantry of high and severe moral worth; but, at that time, they seem but to have exaggerated the unquiet and harsh features of the Scottish character.

might have been difficult, even with all these "appliances frequency and aggravation, shrewd guesses may be made
and means to boot," to have got up such a detailed state- at the progress of a nation in population and in wealth,———
ment of some of the cases on record, as would have shown, in luxury, refinement, and knowledge, and in the conse-
with some degree of clearness, the form of procedure ob- quent more marked and felt inequality of rank.
served by our Justiciary at that period; but still it was pos-
sible; and, for such an attempt, it is natural to suppose that
Mr Pitcairn's habits, as a regular bred lawyer, would
have been of advantage to him. No attempt of this kind,
however, is made: and this we are inclined to regard as
a neglect not very pardonable in the editor of a work of
such national importance. We have not, after two care-
ful perusals of the book, been able to ascertain from Mr
Pitcairn's selections, at what stage of the proceedings,
or in what manner, the witnesses were examined, or even
whether it were thought necessary to examine them at
all. We could have wished more clear information on this
particular, for, from what appears, we are inclined to sus-
pect that the officers of the crown were at that time in
the practice of receiving the information, upon which
they proceeded, on oath; and that if the "dittay" bore
that the communications were so made, or, if the king's
advocate swore to the truth of the facts therein stated,
the assize required no further evidence. The only infor-
mation we obtain on this point is :-first, in the case of
"William Huchesoun, and his spous," (p. 43,) where we
find the woman's prelocutor calling upon the King's advo-
cate to swear to the truth of one of his assertions ;-in the
case of Grahame of Fyntrie, (p. 74,) where the "preloqui-
tor" for the panel produced, after the "dittay" was read,
a letter from one of the pursuers, declaring "that he was
onlie moueit be malice of utheris personnis to persew the
same;" which does not seem to have been attended to;-and
lastly, in the case of Johnne Mayne, (p. 82,) where the
"testimoniallis and writtis" produced both for and against
"the pennall" are inserted at full length, but without any
notice how or when they were laid before the assize.
The only other ground we have to go upon, is the gene-law for absenting themselves from the King's army-from
ral form of recording the verdict; from which it would
seem, that the assize were in the habit of retiring imme-
diately after the reading of the libel, and the conclusion
of the pleadings to the relevancy, taking with them the
"takinnis and depositioneis produceit,” and making up
their minds among themselves. This, joined to the pos-
sibility (vide case of Megot and Dobye, pp. 4 and 7) that
months might elapse between the commencement and ter-
mination of a case, during the whole of which period the
jurors were mixing in society as usual, left great room
for undue bias and misrepresentation. For the sake of
having some elucidation of this point, as well as for the
great skill and subtlety shown in the drawing of some of
the indictments and pleadings on the relevancy, we could
have wished a greater degree of fulness in the selections;
and we hope to find this wish gratified in future num-
bers.

A good number of our readers will, in all probability, give us small thanks for dwelling so long on this subject. We can only say, in our defence, that it seemed important; and we now turn to that view of the work in which all take an interest-the picture it gives us of the age.

From what we have said of the nature and form of the Records, the reader will easily conceive that we hear in them, as it were, but the echo of the waves of society which were at that time lashed into such noise and commotion. We see the facts through the cold medium of abbreviated legal forms; and, moreover, the selection of the editor is confined almost exclusively to offences of a political nature, or connected with political feuds, or originating in the superstition or bigotry of the age. We are not very conversant with the records of our Justiciary Court, and cannot, consequently, say from experience whether the kinds of crime which now-a-days keeps it exclusively employed, were then thought scarce worthy its notice; but if theft, fraud, and such matters, are to be found in the original, we should have liked to have found some notice of them here; for, from their comparative

In accordance with this sketch, we find, in the book now before us, a court of justice, timid and dilatory in its proceedings; interrupted now by the non-appearance of the culprit, now by a deficiency in the number of those who ought to have taken a part in its deliberations, and not unfrequently by the interference of the King. Most of the offences, we have already said, originated in the disturbed political state of the country. We have frequently instances of men called on to underly the penalties of

the raids, as they were then called. The Court of Justiciary seems not unfrequently to have been used by political parties as a means of wreaking their malice upon each other, after the civil power had wrested their weapons from their hands. In the numerous cases of "slauchter," when we find a number of men put to the bar for a murder, we may be almost sure that, in the course of a page or two at furthest, we are to find the kin of the murdered man arraigned for killing a friend of the first accused. Comparatively few of these cases of slaughter and oppression seem to have had their origin in private brawls, and these few are confined, in a great measure, to the Highlands and Borders, which, from very different causes, seem to have been equally behind the rest of the country in civilisation. Of treason, we have ample store in these pages. The murder of Darnley, and of the two regents, Murray and Lennox; the execution of Morton and the Raid of Ruthven, occupy a goodly portion of them, and some interesting and authentic, if not exactly new information, on these points, is given. The book bears testimony, in like manner, to the zeal with which priests and their favourers were hunted out. With regard to private criminality, we are sorry to say that three very improper connexions with married women have a prominent place; and that the money and plenishing of the jolly dames seem in all the three to have been the chief object of the gallant, as their waste seems to be the chief topic of the husband's complaint. In the case of the Mongomeries of Scotstoun, we have a tale of the most unmanly and brutal violence that ever disgraced a country's annals, (p. 60.) The only remaining matters that can have any interest for a general reader, are three rather minutely detailed cases of witchcraft. The first is the case of Bessie Dunlop, (p. 49.) This poor woman seems to have been a visionary: there is nothing malicious in her self-delusion, nor impure in the feelings upon which her day-dreams seem to have been founded. Though all had been true that was laid

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to her charge, we cannot for our life see its guilt. Her story contains an interesting exposition of the popular superstition of the time. The case of Alesoun Peirsoun (p. 161) is yet more pitiable. She seems to have been alike weak and sickly in body and in mind. The fearful reality with which her nightmare dreams presented themselves to her fancy, is the only crime that we find brought home to her. There is not even an allegation that she ever did, or wished, harm to any human being. Yet both of these women were burnt by the orders of men, who showed themselves in other matters noways deficient in strength or acuteness of intellect. The case of Lady Fowlis is one of a more criminal cast. It is one where we admit the justice of the ultimate sentence, notwithstanding the ridiculous by-ways by which it is come

at.

This is a dreary view of human nature; but what else is to be looked for in the records of crime? On the whole, this book is an interesting one, and worthy of the public attention. If some parts of the detail of its execution be amended in the future numbers, it will prove highly valuable.

We have felt considerably interested (and perhaps our feelings may be shared by some of our readers) to find, in perusing these volumes, those whose names we have been accustomed to meet with only in the narrative of high political emulation, or (higher yet) in the poet's song, discharging quietly the ordinary avocations of life. That the names of Darnley, Morton, and Gowrie should occur, and that our distinguished lawyers should play a distinguished part in these annals, was to have been expected; but among the jurymen also, we meet with old acquaintances. We have only time to specify George Heriot, goldsmith. His habit of serving as juryman, sufficiently accounts for the intimate acquaintance he displayed in after life with the law of Scotland, as the reader may find recorded in the pages of that true history, "The Fortunes of Nigel."

Sir Thomas More; or Colloquies on the Progress and Prospects of Society. By Robert Southey, Esq. LL. D. Poet Laureat, &c. &c. &c. with Plates. Two vols, London, John Murray. 1829.

THE purity of Mr Southey's style, and the varied stores of his information, make him the best writer of English prose now living. We do not mean to apply this praise so much to his matter, as to his execution; for though the former is commonly far above mediocrity, it is seldom so conspicuously excellent as the latter.

The work which the Poet Laureat has now given to the public, is of no small dimensions, and bears the traces of careful and laborious composition. The great research which he displays in the course of it, and the extent of reading and learning which he calls to his aid, without ostentation or pedantry, are perhaps its most prominent features. With many parts of it we have been much pleased. The tone of the whole is grave and dignified, and at the same time benevolent and gentle. We cannot, however, say that, after a pretty attentive perusal, we have been so much struck with the profundity or originality of the author's views, as with the copiousness of his illustrations, the fine English richness and vigour of his style, and the interesting manner in which lighter and more imaginative writing is occasionally dovetailed into the serious disquisitions and abstract reasonings in which the work abounds. The Colloquies, of which there are fifteen, bear the following titles; 1st, Introduction-2d, The Improvement of the World-3d, The Druidical Stones-Visitations of Pestilence-4th, Feudal Slavery-Growth of Pauperism-5th, Decay of the Feudal System-Edward VI.-Alfred-6th, Walla Crag, Owen of Lanark―7th, The Manufacturing System-8th, Steam -War-Prospects of Europe-9th, Derwentwater-Catholic Emancipation-Ireland-10th, Crosthwaite Church -St Kentigern-The Reformation-Dissenters-Method

ists-11th, Church Establishment-12th, BlencathraThrelkeld Tarn-The Cliffords-Privileged Orders-The American Government-13th, The River Greta-TradePopulation-Colonies-14th, The Library-15th, The Conclusion-A number of learned Notes and an Appendix are added.

It will thus be seen that a great variety of subjects come under discussion, on all of which something is said worth reading, though on some of them Mr Southey holds peculiar tenets, with which we are by no means disposed to agree, and his enlarging upon which, may prevent his book from becoming so popular, as on the whole it deserves. The conversations are supposed to take place between the spiritual essence of Sir Thomas More (who is allowed to revisit the glimpses of the sun for this special purpose) and Mr Southey himself, under the fanciful name of Montesinos. We must refer our readers to the work for any accurate notion of its contents; but one or two short and detached passages we shall have much pleasure in extracting, as specimens of our author's truly excellent style. The first relates to one of his own lakes,

DERWENTWATER.

"A tall, raw-boned, hard-featured North Briton said one day to one of our Keswick guides, at a moment when your lake; it's a poor piece of water, with some shabby I happened to be passing by, 'Well, I have been to look at mountains round about it.' He had seen it in a cold, dark, cheerless autumnal afternoon, to as great a disadvantage as, I suppose, from the stamp of his visage, and the tone and temper of his voice, he could have wished to see it, for it was plain he carried no sunshine in himself wherewith to light it up. I have visited the Scotch Lakes in a kindlier disposition; and the remembrance of them will ever be cherished among my most delightful reminiscences of natural scenery. I have seen also the finest of the Alpine lakes, and felt on my return from both countries, that if Derwentwater has neither the severe grandeur of the Highland waters, nor the luxuriance and sublimity and glory of the Swiss and Italian, it has enough to fill the imagination and to satisfy the heart."-Vol. i. pp. 237-8.

Our next quotation we consider a passage of much beauty:

ON THE FEAR OF DEATH.

"Surely to the sincere believer, death would be an object of desire instead of dread, were it not for those tiesthose heart-strings-by which we are attached to life. Nor indeed do I believe that it is natural to fear death, however generally it may be thought so. From my own feelings I have little right to judge; for, although habitually mindful that the hour cometh, and even now may be, it has never appeared actually near enough to make me duly apprehend its effect upon myself. But from what I have observed, and what I have heard those persons say whose professions lead them to the dying, I am induced to infer that the fear of death is not common, and that where it exists, it proceeds rather from a diseased and enfeebled mind, than from any principle in our nature. Certain it is, that among the poor, the approach of dissolution is usually regarded with a quiet and natural composure, which it is consolatory to contemplate, and which is as far removed from the dead palsy of unbelief, as it is from the delirious raptures of fanaticism. Theirs is a true unhesitating faith; and they are willing to lay down the burden of a weary life in the sure and certain hope of a blessed immortality. Who, indeed, is there that would not gladly make the exchange, if he lived only for himself, and were to leave none who stood in need of him, no eyes to weep at his departure, no hearts to ache for his loss? The day of death, says the Preacher, is better than the day of one's birth, a sentence that he has not lived ill, must heartily assent. to which, whoever has lived long, and may humbly hope The excellent Henry Scougal used to say, that, abstracted from the will of God, mere curiosity would make him long for another world.' How many of the ancients committed suicide from the mere weariness of life, a conviction of the vanity of human enjoyments, or to avoid the infirmities of old age! This, too, in utter uncertainty concerning a future state, not with the hope of change, for in their prospect there was no hope; but for the desire of death."-Vol. i. pp. 241-3.

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