obliged to execute it. In this diftrefs Ifis appears to her in a dream, promifes her affiftance, and orders her to deceive her husband, and bring up whatever the Gods fhould fend:

Pone graves curas, mandataque falle mariti;

Nec dubita, cum te partu Lucina levârit,

Tollere quicquid erit——

Ovid's moral of his tale is this, "That Egypt had oppofed very wife and humane laws to the horrid practice of INFANTICIDE, now become ge"neral, and continuing unchecked by all other civil institutions."

P. 309. [EE]. On what is here faid concerning the Character of Emilianus the most learned Chancellor Mofheim obferves as follows: "Platonicis Chriftianam Religionem aftu fubvertere ftudentibus, APULEIUM non ita pridem addidit vir ingenio æque magnus atque doctrina, Guil. Warburtonus in Demonftratione divinæ Legationis Mofis. Hunc enim in notiffima illa de aureo Afino fabula feu Metamorphofi id egiffe putat, ut Myfteria Deorum fumma virtute ad fanandas & purgandas hominum mentes effe prædita, facrifque Chriftianis idcirco longe anteferenda, demonftraret, hominem nempe imprimis fuperftitiofum, Chriftianifque et publico Sectæ, quam probabat, & privato nomine inimicum. Obfervavit Vir egregius qua eft fagacitate, rerumque veterum peritia, in Apuleio nonnulla nemini ante ipfum obfervata in quibus id placet maxime, quod LICINIUM EMILIANUM, qui ApuLEIUM apud Africa Proconful Magia accufaverat CHRISTIANUM fuiffe ex Apologia, quæ extat, accufati, non fine magna veri fpecie fufpicatur. De confilio vero Fabula de Afino, quod commentationem Myfteriorum et Chrif tianæ Religionis contemtionem vir doctiffimus effe conjicit, dubitare mihi liceat, quum nihil afferri videam ex ea, quod difficulter in aliam partem accipi poffit." De rebus Chrift. ante Conftant. M. Commentarii Seculum tert. Sect. 21. not. (***) The English of which conclufion amounts to this, "That another interpretation might be given of the Golden Afs." I believe fo. It might be fhewn to contain a process for the discovery of the Philofopher's Stone. And a certain German Chymift, if I be not miftaken, has extracted this fecret out of the Fable.

CONTINUATION OF BOOK II.

SECT. V.

ITHERTO we have fhewn the Magistrate's care in PROPAGATING the belief of a God-of his Providence over human affairs-and of the way in which that Providence is chiefly difpenfed; namely, by rewards and punishments in a future fate. These things make the effence of Religion, and compofe the body of it.

His next care was for the SUPPORT of Religion, fo propagated. And this was done by UNITING it to the State, taking it under the civil protection, and giving it the rights and privileges of an ESTABLISHMENT. Accordingly we find that all states and people, in the ancient world, had an ESTABLISHED RELIGION; which was under the more immediate protection of the civil Magiftrate, in contradiftinction to thofe which were only TOLERATED.

How close these two Interefts were united in the Egyptian Policy, is well known to all acquainted with Antiquity. Nor were the politeft Republics lefs folicitous for the common interests of the two Societies, than that fage and powerful Monarchy (the nurfe of arts and virtue) as we shall fee hereafter, in the conduct both of Rome and Athens, for the fupport and preservation of the established worship.

But

་་་

But an established Religion is the voice of Nature; and not confined to certain ages, people, or religions. That great voyager and fenfible obferver of men and manners, J. Baptifte Tavernier, speaking of the kingdom of Tunquin, thus delivers himself concerning this univerfal policy, as he saw it practised, in his time, both in the Eaft and Weft: "I come now to the political defcrip"tion of this kingdom, under which I comprehend the religion, "which is, almost every where, in concert with the civil government, for the mutual fupport of one another *"

That the Magistrate established Religion, united it to the State, and took it into his immediate protection for the fake of civil Society, cannot be queftioned; the advantages to Government being fo apparent.

But the neceffity of this union for procuring thofe advantages, as likewife the number and extent of them, are not fo eafily understood. Nor indeed can they be understood without a perfect knowledge of the nature of an ESTABLISHED RELIGION, and of those principles of equity, on which it arifeth. But as this masterpiece of human policy hath been of late, though but of late, called in question, after having from the first institution of Society, even to the present age, been univerfally practifed by the Magistrate, and as univerfally approved by philofophers and divines; and as our queftion is the conduct of Lawgivers, and legitimate Magistrates, whofe inftitutions are to be defended on the rules of reason and equity; not of Tyrants, who fet themfelves above both; it will not be improper to examine this matter to the bottom; especially as the enquiry is fo neceffary to a perfect knowledge of the civil advantages, refulting from an established religion.

We must at present then lay afide our ideas of the ancient modes of civil and religious focieties; and fearch what they are in themfelves, by nature; and thence deduce the inftitution in question.

*Je viens à la defcription politique de ce royaume, dans laquelle je comprens la religion, qui eft prefque en tous lieux de concert avec le gouvernement civil pour l'appuy reciproque de Pun et de l'autre. Relation nouvelle du Royaume de Tunquin, c. x. à la fin. I fhall

I thall do this in as few words as poffible; and refer thofe, who defire a fuller account of this matter, to a feparate difcourfe, in, tituled, THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE.

In the beginning of the first book, where we speak of the origin of civil Society, the reader may remember we have fhewn the natural deficiency of its plan; and how the influence and fanction of Religion only can fupply that defect.

Religion then being proved neceffary to Society; that it should be fo ufed and applied, and in the best way, and to most advantage, needs no proof. For it is as inftinctive in our nature to improve, as to investigate and purfue Good: and with regard to the improvement of this in question, there is fpecial reason why it fhould be ftudied. For the experience of every place and age informs us, that the coactivity of civil Laws and Religion, is little enough to keep men from running into diforder and mutual violence.

But this improvement is the effect of art and contrivance. For all natural Good, every thing constitutionally beneficial to man, needs man's industry to make it better. We receive it at the pro-. vident hand of Heaven, rather with a capacity of being applied to our use, than immediately fitted for our fervice. We receive it indeed, in full meafure, but rude and unprepared.

Now, concerning this technical improvement of moral good, it is in artificial bodies as in natural; two may be fo effentially conftituted, as to be greatly able to adorn and ftrengthen one another: But then, as in this cafe, a mere juxta-pofition of the parts is not fufficient; fo neither is it in that: fome union, fome coalition, fome artful infertion into each other will be neceffary.

But then again, as in natural bodies the artift is unable to fet about the proper operation, till he hath acquired a competent knowledge of the nature of those bodies, which are the subject of his skill; fo neither can we know in what manner Religion may be best applied to the fervice of the State, till we have learned the real VOL. I. Fff and

and effential natures both of a State and a Religion. The obvious qualities of both fufficiently fhew, that they must needs have a good effect on each other, when properly applied; (as our artist, by his knowledge of the obvious qualities of two natural bodies, we suppose, may make the like conclufion) though we have not yet got fufficient acquaintance with them to make the proper application.

It behoves us therefore to gain a right knowledge of the nature both of a civil and of a religious Society.

I. To begin with civil Society: It was inftituted either with the purpose of attaining all the good of every kind, it was even accidentally capable of producing; or only of fome certain good, which the Inftitutors had in view, unconcerned with, and unattentive to any other. To fuppose its end to be the vague purpose of acquiring all poffible accidental good, is, in politics, a mere folecifm; as hath been fufficiently fhewn by the writers on this question *. And how untrue it is in fact, may be gathered from what hath been said in the beginning, of the origin of Society. Civil society then, I fuppofe, will be allowed to have been instituted for the attainment of fome certain end or ends, exclufive of others: and this implies the neceffity of diftinguishing this end from others. Which diftinction arifes from the different properties of the things pretending. But again, amongst all those things, which are apt to obtrude, or have, in fact, obtruded upon men, as the ends of civil government, there is only this difference in their properties, as ends; That, one of them is attainable by civil Society only, and all the reft are easily obtained without it. The thing then with that property or quality must needs be the genuine end of civil Society. And this end is no other than SECURITY TO THE TEMPORAL LIRERTY AND PROPERTY OF MAN. For this end (as we have fhewn) civil Society was invented; and this, civil Society alone is

See Locke's Defences of his Letters on Toleration. Ariftotle's opinion—φύσει μὲν ἦν διώρισαι τὸ θῆλυ, καὶ τὸ δέλον· οἷον χαλκοτύποι τὴν Δελφικὴν μάχαιραν σινιχρῶς, ἀλλ ̓ ἣν πρὸς ἵν, &c.

This appears to have been ἐδὲν γὰρ ἡ φύσις ποίει τοιῦτον, Polit. 1, 1. G, 2e

able