sentatives of wealth in a demand for reform, and a reform was secured. But by sad experience the people have learned, that the tyranny of the nobility was freedom, compared with the exactions of a tyranny of wealth. When it is too late, they have been taught the hollow-heartedness of their pretended friends. While they have secured some more apparent and undoubted rights, other and more indispensable ones are yet retained by their new masters, as a security for their future and implicit obedience to arbitrary power. If the pernicious political influence of wealth has thus soon been exhibited in England, where it was called upon to contend with time-honored institutions; with a body of men, many of whom have been justly called "nature's noblemen," we need not be surprised that in our country its course has been more direct, its advance more rapid. The boldness of those, its advocates, who openly avow the principle that the government can only be administered under their direction, attests the confidence which they have in their own strength, and the number of their disciples furnishes sad proofs that many are too ready to obtain quiet, at whatever sacrifice. Should this quiet ever come, we fear it will be but that which precedes dissolution; a calm soon to be broken by a convulsion of the political elements, which will not leave a relic of our former greatness. That would be the state of lethargy against which Washington in his farewell address to his countrymen warned them; that the state which the experience of all former ages, which common sense dictates that we should shun. But while there is much reason for despondency, and many are ready to give up all as lost, we cannot but indulge the hopes, which a more favorable view of our subject creates. The excitement that lately prevailed, was the result of causes which, ever existing among a free people, are liable to be misdirected, but which, if properly controlled, will lead to prosperity, and to happiness. We believe the mass of the people yet retain a holy reverence for the institutions established by the toil, and consecrated with the blood of their ancestors. Virtue yet exists amongst us, and its genial influences will soon be witnessed in the restoration of confidence, and the increased devotion of our countrymen to that constitution, which is justly deemed the great charter of all our religious, as well as civil, rights and privileges. But yet, while the enterprise of our country should be encouraged, while individual wealth and. prosperity should be protected and advanced, every patriot should watch with anxious diligence any attempt on the part of ambitious but reckless men, to convert our free institutions into an engine for the oppression of the people, by the establishment of an odious monied tyranny. Therese. Silence, girl! Thou prat'st of folly. Were my heart like thine, Hath breath'd a witching word it did not mean, And this thou thought'st was love! Dreamer! live on To gather up each strong affection, hope, (Enter De Lacy, disguised as a minstrel.) Who speaks of love, an airy word that comes Therese. Minstrel, What mean these words, and why thy presence here? Thy calling is a holy one. "Tis thine Together we have fought, together sung— Edessa, Gaza, Jaffa, bear our names Enstamp'd in blood upon their walls. He bade Me seek Therese with words like these. (Sings.) As the moonbeams on the river In the mimic ripples quiver ; Like the storm-cloud's misty wreathings;- Therese. Poor heart! Thou need'st not flutter thus and strive to choke By busy day and lonely night, By land, by sea, I've sought a gem, "Twas vain! and every new-born hour Elvina. Therese, what means that look, That stifled sob and heaving breast?-those tears, Therese. "Tis all a dream. The while the minstrel sung The future's dreamy hours were 'round my soul, And pointing to his shield on which was sketch'd |