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SPIRIT OF THE MAGAZINES.
MEMOIR OF HIS EXCELLENCY MIRZA AL ABOO HASSAN,
Tonvoy ExTRAORDINARY FROM THE KING OF PERSIA TO THE COURT
OF GREAT BRIT Ain.
[With a Portrait.]
HIS excellency MIRzA Anoo Al Hass AN, who was chosen by the Persian monarch, Fatha ali Shah, to represent his majesty at the court of Great Britain, and to negotiate matters of the highest importance, is a native of Shirauz, a city which for many ages was the capital of Persia, and is still one of the most considerable in Asia. Previous to his receiving this very honourable diplomatick appointment, Mirza Aboo al Hassan held the government of Khoozistan, a southern province of the Persian empire, and the Susiana of our ancient writers. His excelkency has, on various occasions, travelled in Hindoostan and Arabia; performed his devotions at Mecca; and in the course of his journey from Tehiran (the present capital of the kingdom of Persia, situated near the Caspian Sea) he passed through Georgia, Armenia, and Antolia, to Constantinople. From this city his excellency was conveyed in a British frigate to the island of Malta, where he embarked, with nine Persian attendants, on board the Formidable man of war, of ninety guns, touched at Gibraltar, and landed in England in December last.
On his arrival in London, every attention was paid by his majesty's
ministers to the Persian envoy. Sir Gore Ouseley, bart. (who has since been appointed ambassadour at the court of Tehiran) was instructed to attend his excellency as mehmander (an officer of distinction, whose duty is to receive and entertain foreign princes and other illustrious personages) and the Mirza frequently expresses the satisfaction he has enjoyed from the kindness, the hospitality, and the honours which he has experienced in this country. His excellency has not availed himself of the Mussulman privilege which allows a plurality of wives. Although no man is more sensible of beauty's power (as his admiration of our. English ladies sufficiently evinces) he has (we understand from good authority) but one wife, and by her but one child. The progress which, he has made both in speaking and writing English, within a few months, surprises all those who have the honour of his acquaintance: and we are assured, that he also converses freely in the Turkish and Hindoostanee languages. He is now in his thirty-fourth year; in person tall and athletick, with a fine countenance, expressive eyes, beautiful teeth, and a copious beard of the deepest sable.
FROM THE EUROPEAN MAGAZINE.
To the Lord, or Gentleman, without name, who lately write Letter to him, and ask very much to give winswer.
SIR, MY I.O.R.D, WHEN you write to me, some time ago, to give my thought of what I see good and bad this country, that time I not speak English very well—now I read, I write much little better—now I give to you my think. In this country bad not too much, every thing very good—but suppose I not tell something little bad, then you say I tell all flattery —therefore I tell most bad thing.— I not like such crowd in evening party every night—In cold weather not very good—now, hot weather, much too bad.—I very much astonish, every day now much hot than before, evening parties much crowd than before.—Pretty beautiful Ladies come sweat that not very good —I always fraid some old Lady in great crowd come dead, that not very good, and spoil my happiness. —I think old Ladies after 85 years not come to evening party that much better.—Why for take so much trouble : Some other thing little bad.-Very beautiful young Lady, she got ugly fellow for husband, that not very good, very shocking—I ask Sir Gore why for this. He says me, perhaps he very good man, not handsome no matter, perhaps got too much money, perhaps got title— I say I not like that, all very shocking.—This all bad I know—now I say good.—English People all very good people—all very happy—do what they like, say what like, write in Newspapers what like. I love English people very much, they very good, very civil to me.—I tell my King English love Persian very much.—English King best man in world—he love his people very good much-He speak very kind to me, I love him very much-Queen very best woman I ever saw.—Prince of Wales such a fine elegant beautiful
man—I not understand English enough proper to praise him—he is too great for my language—I respect him same as my own King— I love him very much—his manner all the same as talisman and charm. —All the Princes very fine men, very handsome men, very sweet words, very affable.—I like all too muchI think the Ladies and Gentlemen this country, most high rank, high honour, very rich (except two or three) most good, very kind to inferiour peoples.—This very good.— I go to see Chelsea—all old men sit on grass, in shade of fine tree, fine river run by—beautiful place, plenty to eat, drink, good coat, every thing very good—Sir Gore he tell me King Charles and King James. —I say, Sir Gore, they not Mussulmans, but I think God love them very much. I think God he love the King very well for keeping up that charity —then I see one small regiment of children go to dinner—one small boy he say thanks to God for eat, for drink, for clothes—other little boys. they all answer Amen, then I cry a little—my heart too much pleased, —This all very good for two things. —one thing God very much please. —two things soldiers fight much. better because see their good king take care of old wounded fathers and little children.—Then I go to Greenwich—that too good place—such a fine sight make me a little sick for joy—all old men so happy, eat dinner so well—fine house—fine beds— all very good.—This very good country—English ladies very handsome, very beautiful—I travel great deal: I go Arabia, I go Calcutta, Hyderabad, Poonah, Bombay, Georgia, Armenia, Constantinople, Maltar Gibraltar, I see best Georgian, Circassian, Turkish, Greek ladies, but nothing not so beautiful as English ladies—all very clever—speak
French, speak English, speak Italian, play musick very well, sing very good—very glad for me if Persian ladies like them; but English ladies speak such sweet words, I think tell a little story, that not very good. One thing more I see, but I not understand that thing good or bad; last Thursday I see some fine carriages, fine horses, thousand people go to look that carriages; I ask why for, they say me, that gentle
men on boxes, they drive their own carriage. I say, why for take so much trouble. They say me, he drive very well, that very good thing. It rain very hard, some lord, some gentlemen, he get very wet; I say, why he not go inside. They tell me good coachman not mind, get wet every day, will be much ashamed if go inside, that I not understand. Sir, my Lord— Good night— ABUL HASSAN. 9, Mansfield street, JMay 19, 1810.
* MEMOIRs of THE LIFE of PRINCE EUGENE OF SAvoy. written by Himself.
[The following particulars respecting one of the most distinguished military characters of the 17th and 18th centuries, are extracted from a work printed last year at Weimar, from a manuscript partly dictated by the prince, and partly in his own handwriting. It is written in French; the events of each year are separately detailed; and the work forms an octavo volume of near 200 pages. As the sentiments of this great man respecting English affairs in general, and his account of the campaigns which he made in conjunction with the illustrious Marlborough, and other English officers, must be the most interesting to the British reader; it is to this part of his memoirs that particular attention will be paid in these extracts.] s Monthly Mag. THE prince having entered in 1683, at the age of 20, into the service of the emperour Leopold I. commenced his military career at the celebrated siege of Vienna. Before the expiration of that year he was appointed colonel of a regiment of dragoons; at twenty-one he was promoted to the rank of major-general; at twenty-five to that of lieutenant-general; and, before he had been ten years in the service, he became a field-marshal. For this rapid advancement he was indebted only to his extraordinary talents and SNCC eSS. Passing over his early campaigns
against the Turks, and against the French in Italy, where he was opposed to the celebrated Catinat, we shall commence with the events of the year 1697; when he was at the head of the imperial army, acting against the former power.
1697.-The Turks are never in a hurry. The grand signor, Kara Mustapha himself, did me the honour to arrive at Sophia with his army, in the month of July. I collected mine at Veris Marton; I called in Vaudemont and Rabutin, as it appeared to me to be the grand signor’s design to make himself master of Titul,
that he might be able to lay siege to
Peterwaradin. I encamped on the 26th of August at Zenta. General Nelim was attacked. I arrived too late to his assistance, but nevertheless praised him, for he could not have held out any longer, overwhelmed as he was by numbers.God be thanked, I never complained of any one, neither did I ever throw upon another the blame of a fault or misfortune. Titul was burned. The grand vizir remained on this side of the Danube, which it was necessary for the grand signor to cross before he could lay siege to Peterwaradin; but marching along the bank of the river, and concealing
so intention by my skirmishes with Ale spahis, I got before him, passed le bridge, and thus saved the place. This march, I must own, was well conducted, and equivalent to a victory. I intrenched myself with great despatch, and the enemy durst not
attack me. Among some prisoners'
that we took, there happened to be a pacha, whom I questioned in vain respecting the designs of Kara Mustapha; but four hussars, with drawn sabres, ready to cut him in pieces, extorted the confession that the enemy at first intended to make an attempt on Segedin; but that the grand signor, having afterwards changed his mind, had already begun to cross the Teisse; and that great part of the army under the command of the grand vizir was still in good intrenchments near Zenta. I was marching to attack them, when a cursed courier brought me an order from the emperour, not to give battle under any circumstances whatever. I had already advanced too far.— By stopping where I was, I should have lost part of my army, and my honour.. I put the letter in my pocket, and, at the head of six regiments of dragoons, approached so near to the Turks, as to perceive that they were all preparing to pass the Teisse. I rejoined my army with a look of satisfaction, which, I was told, was considered a good omen by the soldiers. I began the engagement by charging myself two thousand spahis, whom I forced to return to their intrenchments. A hundred pieces of cannon annoyed me greatly. I sent orders to Rabutin to advance his left wing so as to form a curve towards the right; and to Stahrenberg, who commanded the right, to do the same towards the left, with a view to take in the whole intrenchment by a semicircle. This I could not have ventured to do before Catinat, who would have interrupted me in so slow and so complicated a movement. The Turks, however, Vol. Iv. *- 2 c
\ *, - - - - . . . . . . . . . . gave me no molestation. They attacked my left wing too late; but yet they would have used it roughly, had it not been for four battalions of the second line, and the artillery, which I sent very opportunely to repel their cavalry, and make a breach in . the intrenchments. It was six in the evening. The Turks, assaulted, and , their intrenchments forced in all . points, hurried in crowds to the bridge. and choked it up, so that they were obliged to throw themselves into the Teisse, where those who escaped drowning were killed. On every side was heard the cry of aman / aman which signifies quarter! At ten, the slaughter still continued. I could take no more than 4,000 prisoners, for 20,000 were left dead on the field, and 10,000 were drowned. I did not lose a thousand men. Those alone who first betook themselves to flight at the commencement of the battle, rejoined the corps which had remained on the opposite side of the river. It was the 11th of September. I sent Vaudemont with the account of this affair to Vienna. I then went and took two forts and two castles in Bosnia, burned Seraglio, and returned to Hungary into winter quarters. I set out for Vienna, where I expected to be received a hundred times better than I had ever yet : been. Leopold gave me the coldest of audiences; more dry than ever; he listened to me without saying a word. I instantly perceived that somebody or other had becn at work during my absence, and that while I was ridding myself of the Turks, . some good Christians at Vienna had been trying to get rid of me. I went away from the audience with a feeling of indignation, which grew still strońger when Schlick, in great consternation, came and demanded my sword. I delivered it into his trembling hand with a look of the profoundest disdain, which served to increase his dismay. It was reported
that I said: “Take it, yet reeking with the blood of enemies; I have no wish to resume it, except for the benefit of his majesty's service.” One half of this sentence would be a gasconade, and the other a mean resignation. My rage was silent. I was put under arrest in my hotel. Here I was soon informed that Gaspard Kinsky, and some others, wished me to be brought to trial for disobedience and rashness, and that I was to be tried by a court-martial, By which I should probably be sentenced to die. This report was soon circulated through the whole city. The people assembled about my house. Deputies from the body of citizens offered to guard me and to prevent my being taken away, in case of any attempt to put the abovementioned design in execution. I cntreated them not to violate their duty as loyal subjects, nor to disturb the publick tranquillity. I thanked them for their zeal, by which I was moved even to tears. The city of Vienna is small. This assemblage of the people was known at court in a few minutes. Either from fear or repentance, the emperour sent me my sword, with the request that I would still continue to command his army in Hungary. I replied that I would, on condition that I should have a carte blanche, and be no longer exposed to the malice of his generals and ministers. The poor emperour durst not publickly give me these full powers, though he did privately, in a note signed with his own hand; and with this I thought proper to be content. “ This anecdote of Leopold, whom *I pity for not having felt that a more signal reparation was due to me, fully demonstrates the falsehood of a saying, which has been ascribed to me: that, of the three empelours whom I have served, the first was my father, the second my brother, and the third my master. A pretty sort of a father truly, to cause me to lose my head for having saved his empire'
1699.-This year I began my fine library, and conceived a taste for gardens and palaces. I purchased, from time to time, some beautiful paintings and drawings that were not known. I was not rich enough to form a gallery, and was not fond of engravings, because other persons may possess the same. I never liked copies of any kind, and those talents which run away with valuable time. A few wind instruments, martial airs, hunting-tunes, flourishes of trumpets, or pleasing airs of the comick opera, relieved me, during dinner, from the necessity of speaking or listening to tiresome persons. 1700,—After the peace of Carlowitz, France was so polite as to send us M. Villars as her ambassadour. He was received with great distinction by all those with whom he had been acquainted in Hungary, where he had gained great reputation as a volunteer, and by the whole city, who thought him extremely amiable. But intrigues were carried on at his court against ours, without his knowledge. He was highly astonished at the coldness with which he was all at once treated. Notwithstanding the friendship of the king of the Romans for me, I could not prevail upon him to relax in this respect. “Of what use,” said I to him, and to the courtiers and generals who followed his example, “is this personal antipathy, which M. Villars does not deserve 2 I shall see "him, and continue on friendly terms with him, till we begin to fire upon one another again.” Prince Louis, of Baden, acted in the same manner, though we were not the better liked for it. We all three parted very good friends. We missed his company much; for when Louis XIV, had, at length, completed all his machinations, and thrown off the mask, he departed. Previous to this we had the following conversation: “It is not my fault,” said be, “if, without knowing how to suppress your rebellion in Hungary, you are