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ports, viz. barley, oats, wheat, flour, oxen and cows, sheep, swine, bacon, butter, and pork, and pointed out the increase which had taken place in their exportation during the last twelve years, and noticed that the export of wheat in the last two years was 703, 846 barrels, which exceeds the exports of the twelve years immediately preceding the Union-and he hoped for still more extensive results if the beneficial measure which his hon. friend, sir Henry Parnell, was to introduce, and which he should certainly support, should receive the sanction of the legislature.

With respect to the general improvement of the country, it was pretty evident from the state of the exchange between Great Britain and Ireland, which, nótwithstanding the sums annually transmitted to absentees, was very much decreased. The rate of exchange was formerly as high as 17; but in the present year it fell to five one-half, or one-fourth. Many objections had been made in former years, when the Irish budget was brought forward-one of these was the high charge of the collection and management of the revenue. He was happy to announce, that a very great improvement had taken place in that respect. The right hon. gentleman then entered into a statement to show the saving which had taken place in the collection of the revenue since 1811; from which it appeared, that the gross revenue was now collected five per cent. under the rate of that year; and the nett revenue eight per cent. In the Post-office department, the revenue was now collected at a much

more moderate rate, and with much greater ease than formerly. The difference in the rate at which the nett revenue of that department had been collected, being 20 per cent. less than the preceding year.

The right hon. gentleman then observed that Ireland would not bear, in addition to the taxation already imposed upon her, those strong direct taxes in the contemplation of some gentlemen, without trenching on those resources which were the foundation of her prosperity. He was favourable to En union of the financial departments of the two countries, from which he conceived most beneficial results would be derived. He was aware that a more efficient control of the departments would be one of the first consequences of establishments, and a diminution of expenditure. He went however no further than to desire to unite the treasuries and to consolidate the debts. For if gentlemen supposed that Ireland could afford a contribution on the same principles as England, even in the proportion which her growing means and increasing population might induce them to reckon on, they would find themselves greatly mistaken indeed; even those who calculated on a great increase of general receipt, by the imposition of those taxes which Great Britain paid, were deceiving the country and themselves. Ireland now paid taxes on her consumption, from which Great Britain was exempted -the principle articles of that consumption were of British manufacture and of British produce-and besides those articles, which were charged with heavier imposts, Ireland paid nearly 300,000l. per

annum, on the importation of articles, most of them of prime necessity, none of which were liable to any internal duty in Great Britain. It would scarcely be contended by the warmest advocate for what was called vigorous taxation, that if the financial system of the two countries, were to be in other respects assimilated, the Irish people were still to be subjected to duties such as these; to preserve them as protecting duties would be in his mind the most puerile economy; since it was no other than to compel every consumer, in Ireland to pay more than the article of his consumption was worth, or than he ought to pay for it.

Here then there would be a loss of near 300,000l. per annum in our customs, which the new system of finance must supply. But there was much more. The property tax payable on the interest of the Irish debt received in this country, would surely be considered applicable to the Irish supply, and ought to be carried to the account of that country which provided with such difficulty for its charge. The same result would arise respecting the property of Irish absentees; at least in equity he was sure it ought, and the deduction on these two last-mentioned grounds be at least half a million from the general resources of the empire. On this he only estimated the remittances to absentees at two millions, which was the amount presumed in the year 1804, when a committee of the House of Commons inquired

into the state of the exchanges between Great Britain and Ireland at the same time he had little doubt that the proportion of absentees was greatly increased. The number who had followed the seat of legislation and of government was necessarily great, and he was sorry to say, that many who had not the same excuse, daily added to those who drew the sole sources of their support from the country which they deserted. The two heads which he adverted to would altogether diminish the general supply of Great Britain by the amount of half a million, while the duties on articles of consumption imported into Ireland, and the produce of your hearth and other duties, which he was prepared to contend you could not, if you introduced, or rather attempted to introduce the taxes paid in Great Britain, any longer retain, would shew you that one million per annum of this expected revenue which was to flow into the imperial treasury, was not in fact any addition or increase to the general resources of the state.

The right hon. gentleman then made various observations to show the difficulties under which Ireland laboured in extending her proportion of the supplies to government, and the great exertions she had already made; and he concluded with moving the first resolution, relative to the additional duties on spirits. A desultory debate followed, after which all . the resolutions were agreed to.

CHAPTER

CHAPTER IX.

Debate in both Houses on the Swedish Treaty.-Discussion in the House of Commons respecting Orange Lodges in England.-Vote of Credit.Prorogation of Parliament, and Prince Regent's Speech.

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A separate article, added to the treaty, relates to the conditions on which Guadaloupe is to be held by Sweden. See State Papers.

N June 11th the "Treaty of, of one million sterling. He also Concert and Subsidy be- cedes to the king of Sweden the tween his Britannic majesty and possession of the island of Guadathe king of Sweden" was laid be- loupe in the West Indies, and fore both Houses of Parliament. transfers to him all his rights over The following are its principal that island. The king of Sweden articles. The King of Sweden reciprocally grants to the subjects engages to employ a corps of not of his Britannic majesty, for twenless than 30,000 men in a direct ty years, the right of entrepôt in operation on the continent against the ports of Gottenburgh, Carlthe common foe, in concert with sham, and Stralsund for all coin-. the Russian troops under the com- modities of Great Britain, or her mand of the prince royal of Swe- colonies, upon a duty of one per den, according to stipulations al- cent. ad valorem." ready existing between the courts of Stockholm and Petersburgh. His Britannic majesty accedes to the conventions made between those two powers, in so much as not only to oppose no obstacle to the annexation of Norway to the kingdom of Sweden, but to assist, if necessary, in obtaining that object by a naval co-operation; it being however understood, that recourse shall not be had to force, unless the king of Denmark shall previously have refused to join the alliance of the north upon the conditions stipulated in the engagements between the courts of Stockholm and Petersburgh. His Britannic majesty engages, independently of other succours, to furnish to Sweden for the service of the present campaign, the sum

Notice was given in each House, of a day for taking this treaty into consideration.

On June 14th, Earl Grey rose in the House of Lords to put some questions to the earl of Liverpool respecting the Swedish treaty. He recited the article relative to the annexation of Norway to the crown of Sweden, and observing that Great Britain was bound to co-operate by force in its acquisition in the event of a refusal of the court of Denmark to accede to the northern alliance upon certain terms not yet known to their lordships, he wished to be informed what were the conditions in the

alliance between Russia and Sweden upon the non-accession of Denmark, by which such a forfeiture was to be incurred. Their lordships, who had with just indignation reprobated the principle of dismemberment and partition under the pretext of moral or physical convenience, ought fully to know upon what grounds they proceeded in sanctioning a treaty that appeared in any degree to recognize such a political doctrine; they should therefore be further informed of what had lately passed between our government and that of Copenhagen, which was known to have sent a minister to this court, during which time hostilities had been suspended, but had been since resumed. He hoped the noble lord would have no objection to produce the correspondence between the Danish minister and our government; and he also wished to know how it happened that the treaty before them, which had been signed on the 3rd of March, was not laid upon their table till so late a period of the session. Another point on which information was desirable, was how far Sweden had actually put in execution her engagements by the treaty, and what sum had been already paid her on this ground. Further, he thought that our engagements with Russia, and other foreign powers, were necessary to be known, in order to enter upon a due consideration of this important subject.

The Earl of Liverpool would not anticipate the future discussion, in which his Majesty's ser vants would have an opportunity of fully explaining the grounds of the treaty with Sweden, and would

at present content himself with saying that they had proceeded upon no such principle of policy as that to which the noble earl had adverted. With respect to the engagements between Russia and Sweden, as they had not been communicated to the ministers upon authority, he did not feel himself justified to comply with his lordship's wishes on that head, but he had no objection to lay upon the table the substance of the article to which the present treaty referred. He must decline the production of the correspondence with the Danish minister, as it involved topics which, if disclosed, might be prejudicial to other powers; but the information required on this point was not necessary for the consideration of the present treaty. In reply to the observation made as to the time in which the treaty was laid on the table, he said that it could not be produced till its ratification which only arrived on the 10th of May, and some subsequent discussions rendered it inexpedient to lay it before parliament sooner than had been done. With respect to the money advanced to Sweden, he had no objection to give the fullest information on that head. As to our engagements with other powers, all the treaties entered into were already before parliament; but with regard to any further discussions relative to co-operation, the House must be aware that it would be improper to say any thing at this moment.

Earl Grey expressed himself not entirely satisfied with the extent of information offered to be granted, and intimated that when the discussion came on, he should

take the sense of the House on the Britain is to be invited to accede subject.

In answer to a question afterwards put to lord Liverpool, his lordship affirmed that there was no treaty of concert and subsidy with either Russia or Prussia.

On June 16th, there was laid before parliament a paper containing the substance of the engagements between the courts of Stockholm and Petersburgh, so far as they are referred to in the treaty between Great Britain and Sweden. In this it is stated that the French government having, by the occupation of Swedish Pomerania, committed an act of hostility against the Swedish government, and by the movement of its armies having menaced the empire of Russia, the contracting parties engage to make a diversion with a combined force of 25 or 30,000 Swedes, and 15 or 20,000 Russians upon some point of the coast of Germany; but that, as the king of Sweden cannot make such diversion consistently with the security of his dominions, so long as he must regard Norway as an enemy, the emperor of Russia engages, either by negociation or military co-operation, to unite Norway to Sweden, which acquisition is to be considered as a preliminary to the diversion in Germany. The two powers unwilling to make an enemy of the king of Denmark, will propose to him to accede to this alliance, and offer him a complete indemnity for Norway by a territory more contiguous to his German dominions, provided he will for ever cede his rights on Norway. In case he shall refuse this offer, they engage to consider Denmark as an enemy. Great

to and guarantee this treaty. By a subsequent convention, the Russian auxiliary force is augmented to 35,000 men. The date of this treaty is March 24, 1812.

Earl Grey, on June 18th, rose and first observed that the document laid on the table was not that which the House had a right to look for, as it might reasonably expect the communication of the articles themselves, instead of the alleged substance of them. Not, however, to dwell upon that circumstance, he contended that not only hostilities with Denmark having been continued after an offer of peace, but a treaty having been entered into with another power for its spoliation, it was become doubly necessary that it should be proved that Denmark had refused that justice which Great Britain had a right to demand: it was a fact that the ports of Denmark had been closed against the privateers of France, and every facility given to British commerce, as early as the 10th or 12th of February. Soon after, an official agent arrived from Copenhagen, who was succeeded by Count Bernstorf. Hence it appeared that long before the Swedish treaty was concluded, Denmark had by overt acts incontestibly proved her pacific disposition towards this country.

After some other observations relative to the right of the House to be fully informed how the case stood before it gave its sanction to a treaty of robbery and spoliation, his lordship concluded with moving, that an humble address be presented to the Prince Regent, for an account of all communications that had taken place

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