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however very evident, that the received or Elzevir text, is assumed as the standard to which this Hebrew version is made conformable. A few instances, it is true, occur, in which the latter varies from the former;. but from a careful inspection of the whole first Gospel, and the particular consideration of the very few deviations which presented themselves to our notice in the course of our progress, we cannot be mistaken in remarking that the Editors have not availed themselves of the labours of those eminent scholars, by whose erudition and critical acumen the Greek text of the New Testament has been purified and restored. Is the Elzevir text of 1624 to supersede every other, and to continue the basis of every translation?

The translation now submitted to our inspection, is literal ; and so well executed, as to reflect no small credit on the parties by whom it has been conducted. It is printed throughout with points, but without accents. The typographical execution of the book, is extremely neat. Feeling warmly interested in every means of aiding the diffusion of Christian truth in its native purity, we congratulate the Translators of this Hebrew version, on this specimen of their labours ; and earnestly hope they will be enabled to complete their im. portant undertaking.

We shall select a few passages from the translation before us, not for the purpose of censuring them, but to suggest something towards their correction and improvement. .

Ch. i. 11. 'Eti sñs Petoimedias Baburūvos. ba nia mob. Here, there is no word in the Greek original corresponding to nos in the version, which is not necessary to convey the proper sense. In 1 Kings xviii, 35, we have imion nobya about the (time of), evening sacrifice. Sav nobea is preferable to the phrase employed in the version, and is the idiom adopted by the Syriac translator.

Ch. ii. 11. 11 is inserted in the text, and 1899 appears as a various reading in the margin. In this example, the Translators, in common with the English public version, depart from the reading of the received Greek text, which has kupov; an almost solitary instance of departure from it.

Ch, iv. 5. TÒ TTEPÚymy tê tepa. 590707 48. We should object to. Oh as the proper word to be the representative of To Tepuysov, and would suggest bus as the more appropriate term ; since the latter preserves the etymology of the original expression, and further resembles it in peculiarity of application.

Ch. X. 2. 'Amortów. Jakbis. Notwithstanding the authority which may be alleged in support of thsi word, we would recommend its being changed for be as often as the Greek VOL, V. N.S.

Ee

Tórtolo. in its special appropriation to the Apostles, occurs in . the New Testament.

Ch. xi. 30. Tó popríoy jou. "&V9. As the Translators have rendered to QOptionévou in the 28th vs. by Disoon they should have inserted bab instead of uw in the 30th.

Ch. xii. ll. gyn is inserted without occasion : so also is un in the 20th verse of this chapter.

-- 18. Kur upísty Tois ? Dveroy Tayyedder;-Dings your fy81. We submit whether another verb should not have been selected as the rendering of drayyedet. This part of the quotation is copied verbally from the passage in Isaiah xlii. l; differing from, it, however, in the arrangement of the words; the Translators following the order of the English common version.

The same Greek words are not infrequently translated by different Hebrew terms, where the sense is unvaried. Thus, in the case of the adverb ev Ju's, which is rendered by 70 ch. iii. 16; but in ch. xiii. 20, 21. the only other passages in which it is found, by DXND. Axorou' DEG Mob is translated by

08 x3 ch. viii. 22; but in ch. ix. 9, by unox 75. Els órártna in is in one place (ch. xxv. 1.) rendered by yrabs: and in another (vs. 6.) by ngaph. To these and similar instances we refer, not as censurable blemishes, but merely for the purpose of expressing our opinion, that uniformity in the manner of translating the same words and phrases, where no deviation is demanded by the different idioms of the two languages, is highly desirable, and should be observéd.

In ch. xxiii. 8, we find another instance of deviation from the received text, in the adoption of didacoxados, teacher, instead of xasnynon's, leader ; the word 97070 being inserted instead of Dan3 wbich the common reading would require. Though dida'oxpcaos appears only in Griesbach's margin, we confess that in our judgement the internal probability is so strong, as to justify this alteration.

We shall only further hint to the Conductors of this work, that as they have, though rarely, deserted both the received Greek text, and the English common version, which has had some influence on their own, they ought, in order to be consistent, to admit nothing into their translation, that wants the support of a critically correct Greek text as its basis. Art. V. Paul's Letters to his Kinsfolk. 8vo. pp. 468. Price 128.

Edinburgh, Constable and Co. 1816.. THE Newspaper wits have reported Mr. Walter Scott to

I have fallen in the field of Waterloo. It should seem.either that he only lost his laurels there, or this volume must be received as evidence of his resurrection. We congratulate Mr.

Scott on being able to redeem to so great a degree by his prose, his failure as a poet. ..

In attributing this volume to the above named gentleman, we rely on the authenticity of the publisher's advertisement. It is a highly spirited and interesting volume. The assuinption of a feigned character under the name of Paul, seems designed merely .. to give propriety to the easy familiarity and varied subjects of the letters. The first four epistles are occupied with general observations on the state of France, previous to the landing of Bonaparte at Cannes. Paul assures his Cousin Peter, that though this had been prevented, yet that There were within

France itself, elements sufficiently jarring to produce, sooner or later, a dreadful explosion. The first cause of discontent he alleges to have arisen from the pretensions of the emigrant noblesse and clergy; and he adverts to the restoration of Charles II., to which he says, 'we almost involuntarily resort as a parallel case,' for the purpose of remarking, that the tempting' course of re-action and revenge, was magnanimously declined by all the leading cavaliers. If Cousin Paul means to convey the idea, that the restoration of Charles II. was, in any important respect, a parallel case, le is only imposing on the ignorance of Cousin Peter. 'The less that is said of the magnanimity of the restored monarch and his dissolute court, the better. But we can excuse Mr. Scott.

Paul further affirms, in accordance with the representation in our last number, that « The system of the Gallic Church had

been thoroughly undermined before its fall.'. " Its constitution had been long irretrievably shattered; the whole head was sore, and the whole heart was sick Doctrines of infidelity, every where general among the higher ranks, were professed by none with more publicity than by the superior orders of the clergy; and respecting moral profligacy, it might be said of the church of France, as of Ilion,

Intra mænia peccatur, et extra.' After enumerating other causes of apprehension, which con-. spired to produce disaffection to the royal family at their first, restoration, Paul says,

• The protestants in the South of France remembered the former severities exercised against them by the sovereigns of the House of Bourbon, and trembled for their repetition under a dynasty.of mo." narchs, who professed the catholic faith with sincerity and zeal. Add. to these, the profligate who hate the restraints of religion, and the unthinking who ridicule its abstracted doctrines, and you will have some idea how deeply this cause operated in rendering the Bourbons unpopular.

At page 57, we meet with the important remark, that even at that period, the language of the government of France during

ta short-lived reign, for which it was wholly indebted to the magnanisnity of the conquerors of France, became gradually and insensibly tinged by the hostile passions of her population,

• The impatient and irritated state of the army dictated to her representative, even at the Congress, a language different from what the European republic had a right to expect from the counsellors of the monarch, whom their arms had restored. It is probable that the government felt that their army resembled an evoked fiend pressing for employment, and ready to tear to pieces even the wizard whom he serves, unless instantly supplied with other means of venting his malevolence.

To allay all these hostile feelings, and to save Louis the painful conflict between gratitude and interest, our ministers have now adopted the precaution of drawing a military circle round the wizard, to guard him from the malice of his own fiend !

Cousin Paul fully confirins the previous statements of the well-concerted schemes which secured Napoleon's seemingly wonderful success, and of the gross negligence or treasonable connivance of the police. 'A Frenchman, finding his friend

ignorant of some well-known piece of news, observed, in reply, Vous etes apparemment de la police ? as if to belong to that

body inferred a necessary ignorance of every thing of import• ance that was going forward in the kingdom.'

The most interesting part of the present volume, however, is that which contains the minutely circumstantial and very lively description of the GreAT BATTIE; it corresponds indeed entirely with the accounts of former narrators, but receives from the present writer some additional touches of moral painting, which add to the interest of this tale of tears and of glory.

The Author defends the policy of Bonaparte in his bold and sudden advance into Belgium ; and shews that in all respects he had most effectively prepared for the encounter. By incredible exertions he had amply supplied his deficiency of artillery ; his cnvalry were upwards of 20,000 in number; Of whom the « lancers were distinguished for their ferocity, and the cuirassiers

by the excellence of their appointment and the superior power of their horses.' • Of the infantry,' adds our Author, 'it was impossible to speak too highly in point of bravery and discipline in the field.'

The affair at Quatre Bras was extremely bloody. The Duke of Brunswick was among the many valuable officers on the list of the slain. The French were repulsed in their attempt of advancing on Brussels, but no immediate advantage resulted from this engagement.

While Ney was engaged with the English army, Bonaparte moved with his centre and right wing against Blucher. It was at this desperate contest, so fatal to the Prussians, that the

. most dreaded and inveterate foe to France had nearly fallen into the hands of his enemies.

The gallant veteran had himself headed an unsuccessful charge against the French cavalry; and his horse being shot under him in the retreat, both the fliers and pursuers passed over him as he lay on the ground; an adjutant threw himself down beside his general, to share his fate ; and the first use which the Prince Marshal made of his recovered recollection was, to conjure his faithful attendant ra. ther to shoot him than to permit him to fall alive into the hands of the French. Meantime, the Prussian cavalry had rallied, charged, and in their turn repulsed the French, who again galloped past the Prus. sian general, as he lay on the ground, covered with the cloak of the adjutant, with the saine precipitation as in their advance. The gen neral was then disengaged and re-mounted, and proceeded to organize the retreat, which was now become a measure of indispensable necessity.' pp. 118.

In consequence of the unsuccessful battle of Ligny, the Duke of Wellington resolved upon retreating towards Brussels, which was accomplished in the most perfect order. : He established his head quarters at a petty inn in the small vil. lage of Waterloo, about a mile in the rear of the position. The army slept upon their arıns, upon the ridge of a gentle declivity, chiefly covered with standing corn.

• The French, whose forces were gradually coming up during the evening, occupied a ridge nearly opposite to the position of the English army. The villages in the rear of that rising ground were also filled with the soldiers of their numerous army. Buonaparte established his head-quarters at Planchenoit, a small village in the rear of the position,

• Thus arranged, both generals and their respective armies waited the arrival of morning, and the events it was to bring. The night, as if the elements meant to match their fury with that which was pre. paring for the morning, was stormy in the extreme, accompanied by furious gusts of wind, heavy bursts of rain, continued and vivid flashes of lightning, and the loudest thunder our officers had ever heard. Both armies had to sustain this tempest in the exposed situation of an open bivouack, without means either of protection or refreshment. But though these hardships were common to both armies, yet, (as was the case previous to the battle of Agincourt,) the moral feelings of the English army were depressed below their ordinary tone, and those of the French exalted to a degree of confidence and presumption unusual even to the soldiers of that nation.' pp. 125—126.

Our readers must be familiar with the general plan and history of the battle. Our forces were, for the most part, drawn up in squares, each regiment forming a square by itself, not quite solid, but nearly so, the men being drawn up several files deep. T'he distance between these masses afforded space enough to draw up the battalions in line, when they should be suffered to

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