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Page 247, fine 17. for Oe! read Ohe!

250, line 25, for corrice, read corrie.
251, line 29. for more, read mere.
252, Jine 43. for adopted, read adapted.
269, live 13 from bottom, for produce, read introduce.

Articles on Morris's Life of Fuller; Mant, Scott, and Biddulpk on Baptişma! Regeneration; Rose, Tayior, and others, on Saving Banks; Szedley's Prescience, a Poem ; Clarke's Travels in Greece; the Philosophical Transactions continued; and Wilson's Dissenting Churches, concluded; are designed to appear in the May Numter.



FOR MAY, 1816,


Art. I. 1. Review of the Present ruined Condition of the Landed and

Agricultural Interests. By Richard Preston, Esq. M. P. London,

8vo. . pp. 64. Law and Whitaker. 1816. 2. Thoughts on the present Crisis, in a Letter from a Constituent to his

Representative. 8vo. pp. 116. Ridgway and Sons. London 1816. 3. An Inquiry into the Causes of the High Prices of Corn and Labour,

the Depressions of our Foreign Exchanges, and High Prices of Bullion during the late War; and Consideration of the Measures to be adopted for relieving our Furming Interest from the Unprecedented Difficulties to which they are now reduced, in consequence of the great Fall in the Price of their Produce, since the Peace ; with Relative Tables and Remarks, &c. By Robert Wilson, Esq. Edinburgh, PP:

87 1815. 4. Thoughts on the Character and Tendency of the Property Tax, as

adapted to a Permanent System of Taxation. By the Rev. George Glover, A. M. Rector of Southrepps, Vicar of Cromer, and Chaplain to the Most Noble the Marquis of Buckingham. Norwich.

8vo. pp. 41. 5. The State of the United Kingdom at the Peace of Paris, November

20th, 1815: respecting the People; their Domestic Energies ; their Agriculture ; their Trade ; their Shipping ; and their Finances.

By George Chalmers, F. R. S. S. A. 8vo. pp. 16. London, 1816. WE

E have transcribed the titles of several of the productions

of the day, as presenting a specimen of the sentiments which prevail among the best instructed of our countrymen, on the present state of the nation.

In one or two points they all agree. They all complain that the people are in a state of great privation and misery; and they are all of opinion that as enormous taxation is the principal cause, so it ought to be effectually and immediately redressed. When we say all, we must, however, make a single exception; namely, that of George Chalmers, who is fully convinced that the nation never was in a state of greater prosperity. And how does the

Vol. V. N. S.

reader think he proves it? Why, by proving that the nation never paid so many taxes! As if a man who is kept at the point of death by excessive bleeding, should be proved to be in the greatest health and strength, by the quantity of the vital fluid which he is made to lose! He proves it also hy the quantity of land we have in cultivation; the quantity of shipping we possess; and the quantity of goods we export. But this exhilarating writer should not have forgotten one thing; of which we beg leave to remind him. A man may do a great deal of work, without being much the better for it. When a poor slave in the West Indies is tasked and scourged, to more work, and more work, till the blood trickle to his heels, he may all the while be allowed to eat what is hardly sufficient to preserve life in his body. If this may happen to one man, it may happen to any number of mien, to a nation. What does it benefit a nation, if it works and toils, cultivates more land, builds more ships, exports more goods, but is not allowed to keep what it produces ? if more is taken from it, as fast as it produces more? May not the productions of a nation rise, in this way, to any excess, and yet the poverty and migery of the people continue extreme? Mr. Chalmers, therefore, is in a miserable mistake, when he supposes that what the people produce, is an infallible test of their prosperity. They may be only so much the more wretched for what they produce, if they are condemned to see the greater part of it taken away from them.

One would think it were so easy to know this, that no man would be so blind as to overlook it. But we all know how far strong wishes can block up and bar the approaches to the mind. And there are some minds that are very easily governed by their wishes. Now George Chalmers has been at some pains to let the world know his wishes. He wishes that the people should I never dare to complain. However treated, they should always think themselves happy; always praise their governors. They should never think of their sufferings, but always of something else. If they are starving for want of bread, they should only think of the glorious amount of taxation. When squeezed in the tax press, till the life is ready to start from their bodies, they should think all the while of the wonderful extent of their exports.

Concerning the happiness or the misery of others, there are persons who can very easily satisfy themselves. Concerning the happiness or the misery of those who are called the people, there are a great many persons wbo can very easily satisfy themselves. Mr. Chalmers, it seems, never can be without a reason to convince him that the people are happy; never can be at a loss foran argument to assure the people they ought to count themselves happy, and deserve only punishment if they are guilty of complaints. In his list of human vices and crimes, complaint against Govera: ment stands at the very top.

Great as the number of persons are who have given their thoughts to the public, upon the present very remarkable crisis of British affairs, Mr. Chalmers stands almost, if not altogether, alone. Other men seem to be very generally of opinion, chat notwithstanding the wonderful amount of our taxes, and the wonderful amount of our exports, the nation, somehow or other, is suffering, and suffering lamentably. They seem to think, also, - that the nation should speak out about their sufferings; that they should set about the discovery of the cause; and having found it, that they should labour for its removal. Concerning the cause, as well as the remedy, there is, of course, great difference of opinion. But there is some advantage in having obtained so general an acquiescence in the existence of the evil ; in having at last obtained an acknowledgement, so contrary to the doctrine of the Pitt school, that great exports and enormous taxes are far from being certain signs of a nation's prosperity. We have been so long under the dominion of this doctrine, which has not been a mild dominion, that we cannot help congratulating both ourselves and our countrymen upon the prospect of a change. When men suffer to a certain degree, almost any thing in the shape of change is welcomed as a token of relief.

In the accounts which, both in pamphlets and parliamentary speeches, are held forth to the public, of the present distressés of the country, we find the calamities of the agricultural interest, including the landlords and labourers, as well as the farmers, almost uniformly occupying the foreground. On this subject we fear the public are in some danger of being misled. We fear that by the excess of their attention to one portion of evil, they may be induced, partially at least, to overlook another; and have recourse to partial and hurtful remedies. The agricultural portion are not the only suffering portion of the community. But the agricultural portion are the most powerful, because they inelude the noblemen and gentlemen, and they can make by far the loudest noise, because they compose the whole of one of the houses of parliament, and a great majority of the other.' This power of theirs makes it greatly to be apprehended, that they will devise some remedy for themselves, at the expense of the rest of the community that they will make a law, which will indeed put money in their own pockets, but which will do so only by taking it out of the pockets of others. This is what they did last year, when they made a law, in defiance of the petitions and the tears of the people, for the express and declared purpose of making corn dear. This was not only a law to tax the people for the benefit of landlords; to tax them unjustly, and tax them cruelly; but it was a law to lessen the productive powers of the country, and to diminish the return of capital in every branch of national industry. It was therefore a

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