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Fata Phrygum! num Sigeis occumbere campis,
Num capti potuere capi? num incensa cremavit
Troia viros? medias acies mediosque per ignis
Invenere viam. At, credo, mea numina tandem
Fessa iacent, odiis aut exsaturata quievi-
Quin etiam patria excussos infesta per undas
Ausa sequi, et profugis toto me opponere ponto.
Absumptae in Teucros vires caelique marisque.
Quid Syrtes, aut Scylla mihi, quid vasta Charybdis
Profuit? optato conduntur Thybridis alveo,
Securi pelagi atque mei. Mars perdere gentem

contrast is really the same, as the adverse fates of Troy would be the prosperous fates of its enemies.

245294] This oxymoron is borrowed from Enn. A. 11. fr. 3 (preserved by Macrob. Sat. 6. 1), "Quae neque Dardaniis campeis potuere perire, Nec, cum capta, capi, nec, cum combusta, cremari." Heyne remarks that Virg. has here imitated the rhetorical point and spirit of the tragedians, especially of Euripides. See Introduction to Aeneid. "Iliacis occumbere campis" 1. 97. The whole Troad is supposed to take its name from the Sigean promontory (2. 312), as in 3. 108 from the Rhoetean. The object of 'potuere occumbere is Phryges,' not capti,' which is confined to the next clause. For the general sentiment of the indestructibility of the Trojan race comp. the wellknown lines Hor. 4 Od. 4. 49 foll.

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295

300

40, "sapere aude." Toto ponto: Juno means that she had proved their enemy in every part of the deep: but the contest is represented as extending over the whole deep, to give an increased notion of grandeur.

301.] Comp. G. 3. 178 note. Cerda quetes Catull. 62 (64). 242, "Anxia in adsiduos absumens lumina fletus." "Caelique marisque" 5. 802.

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302.] The form of the line is from Catull. 62 (64). 156, Quae Syrtis, quae Scylla rapax, quae vasta Charybdis," as Pierius remarks.

303.] "Portu se condidit alto" 5. 243. Alveo' dissyll. 6. 412.

304.] 'Securus' with gen. 1. 350. 'Mars' &c. So in 1. 37 foll. Juno compares her case with that. of Minerva, who had been permitted to destroy the Greek fleet for the sin of Ajax, son of Oileus. Serv. well remarks that she here chooses instances of destruction by war as there by shipwreck. The quarrel between the Centaurs and. Lapithae at the marriage of Peirithous (in which the Lapithae were victorious) is generally, and by Virg. himself (G. 2. 456), ascribed to the influence of Bacchus. The only light on this passage seems to be derived from Serv., who has a story that Peirithous invited all the gods but Mars to the marriage feast, and that Mars in revenge for the slight brought about the quarrel: but this looks suspiciously like an adaptation of the very similar story of Diana's vengeance on Oeneus of Calydon, who had omitted to sacrifice to her when he sacrificed to all the other gods, Il. 9. 533 foll. The ascription of a bloody quarrel to Mars is natural enough, as the Greeks made him the author of violent deaths of all sorts (Aesch. Eum. 355), and even of pestilence (Soph. O. T. 191).

Inmanem Lapithum valuit; concessit in iras

Ipse deum antiquam genitor Calydona Dianae ;

305

Quod scelus aut Lapithas tantum, aut Calydona merentem?
Ast ego, magna Iovis coniunx, nil linquere inausum
Quae potui infelix, quae memet in omnia verti,
Vincor ab Aenea. Quod si mea numina non sunt

310

Magna satis, dubitem haud equidem inplorare quod usquam est.

Flectere si nequeo Superos, Acheronta movebo.

305.] Inmanem' (gigantic) and 'antiquam seem used to magnify the greatness of the enemies whom Mars and Diana had been permitted to destroy, compared with Aeneas-"Vincor ab Aenea." Dianae' seems to be dat. after concessit," "in iras" meaning for purposes of vengeance.'

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306.] Ipse deum genitor,' as Minerva is said to have wielded the thunderbolt of Jove, 1. 42.

307.] The reading of this line is not certain. In Priscian's time, as appears from his words p. 1081, there were three readings, Lapithas - Calydona merentem,' Lapithis-Calydone merente,' and 'Lapithis-Calydona merentem.' Pris cian thinks that the third can be explained as a double construction, but prefers the first or second. Serv. is for the second, as the only one which will make sense, but as he does not expressly mention the two others, merely objecting to reading 'Calydona,' it is not clear whether he is arguing against one or both. Of the MSS. Rom. is for the second, unequivocally; fragm. Vat. is for the third, though its original reading was 'Calydo;' Med. was originally for the second, except that it read merentes,' but its second reading is for the first; Gud. was originally for the third, but merentem' has been altered into 'merente.' Heins. restored the first, and subsequent editors have followed him: Ribbeck however recalls the second. The first is decidedly to be preferred to the second, as at once neater and more difficult, while in external authority they appear to be equal. If the third could be explained, it might easily be defended on external grounds, as the original reading which was altered in two ways for the sake of symmetry: but there is nothing in the context to supply any construction for Lapithis,' and to understand it as an abl. abs., borrowing 'merentibus' from 'merentem,' would be quite impossible. The most probable view then seems to be

that the first was the original reading, that the second was introduced by some one who did not understand the construction (Pomponius Sabinus, retaining the accusatives, attempts to supply "vidisti"), and that the third is simply a mixture of the two. Ribbeck imagines that Virg. himself left a choice of readings, the first and second. The inferior MSS. multiply the variations almost indefinitely. Quod scelus merentem,' a variety for "cuius sceleris poenas merentem :" see on 2.229, and for a further variety comp. 2. 585.

308.] Comp. 1. 46, "Ast ego quae divom incedo regina Jovisque Et soror et coniunx." Inausum' reminds us of 'ausa v. 300. The word occurs 8. 205.

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309.] Potui,' 'stooped to,' which harmonizes with 'infelix.' So perhaps 'potui' 4. 600, had the heart to," "non potui' being explained like "non licuit" 4. 550. Quae memet in omnia verti,' who have taken every shape, i.e. tried every mode of opposition. Comp. Hdt. 3. 124, παντοίη ἐγίνετο μὴ ἀποδημῆσαι τὸν Πολυkрάтеа. Сеrdа comp. "Verte omnis tete in facies" 12. 891, where Aeneas defies Turnus to escape him.

310.] I am defeated by one man,' as in 1. 47 she complains that she cannot prevail over a single nation ("una cum gente tot annos bella gero "), while Minerva could destroy the whole confederate fleet of Greece.

311.] "Namque aliud quid sit, quod iam implorare queamus ?"10.19. Juno here expresses euphemistically what she says plainly in the next line. This use of 'usquam' in an affirmative sentence for "uspiam "is rare and perhaps poetical. Freund cites Ov. M. 12. 41, Unde quod est usquam, quamvis regionibus absit, Inspicitur."

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312.] Heyne quotes Aesch. Suppl. 160— 168, as containing a parallel sentiment. There is almost a play on the sense of 'movebo,' which flectere' ("Quo fletu Manis, qua numina voce moveret ?" G. 4. 505), and at the same time has the notion

Non dabitur regnis, esto, prohibere Latinis,
Atque inmota manet fatis Lavinia coniunx :
At trahere, atque moras tantis licet addere rebus;
At licet amborum populos exscindere regum.
Hac gener atque socer coeant mercede suorum.
Sanguine Troiano et Rutulo dotabere, virgo,
Et Bellona manet te pronuba. Nec face tantum
Cisseis praegnans ignis enixa iugalis;
Quin idem Veneri partus suus et Paris alter,
Funestaeque iterum recidiva in Pergama taedae.
Haec ubi dicta dedit, terras horrenda petivit :

of stirring up or setting in action. Virg. may have thought of the phrase Távтα KIVETV TÉTрOV, which Cerda comp., and of the language of Zeus to Hera Il. 8. 478 foll.

313.] Regnis Latinis,' from becoming king of Latium: he had already found entrance into the territory. Esto 4.

35.

314.] Lavinia coniunx,' his marriage with Lavinia. "Manent inmota tuorum Fata tibi" 1. 257. Fatis' is here abl. of instr. or circumstance with 'manet.'

315.] For the notion that fate cannot be averted, but can be delayed, comp. 1. 299, Hdt. 1. 91. Tantis' seems meant to give a natural reason why they might be delayed. 'Trahere' seems better taken with "res" than 'moras,' though "trahere moram is found. With 'moras addere' Gossrau comp. Ov. Her. 19. 8, "parvi temporis adde moram."

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316.] Sheincludes Latinus in her enmity, and threatens in fact that he and Aeneas should be kings without nations.

317.] 'Mercede suorum' may either be price paid by their subjects, or their subjects paid as a price by themselves. The latter is perhaps better. For instances of this sense of 'merces' as the cost of an advantage see Forc.

318.] Comp. for 'sanguine dotabere' Aesch. Ag. 406, ayovσá τ' ('Eλévn) àvríφερνον Ἰλίῳ φθοράν. For Rutulowe should have expected Latino:' but Juno has passed from the thought that the people of the two kings shall be destroyed to the more general thought that the bridal shall take place after bloodshed. 319.] Tantum:' nor is Hecuba the only one that gives birth to a firebrand. praegnans Cisseis" 10. 704.

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315

320

Hecuba the daughter of Cisseus. Hom. Il. 16. 718 makes her the daughter of Dymas, in which he is followed by Ov. M. 11. 762. This legend of Hecuba's having dreamed that she was pregnant with a burning torch before she brought forth Paris is alluded to by Enn. Alex. fr. 8, and by Cic. de Div. 1. 21. Ignis iugalis,' the conflagration caused by the union of Paris and Helen, which Hecuba is said to have brought forth in bringing forth Paris. The torch seems to have portended marriage, which was the source of the conflagration, as well as the conflagration itself. And this will give a double sense to 'taedae' below.

321, 322.] Venus shall have (or, has) such another offspring of her own. What follows is an explanation of idem partus,' 'et' being epexegetic, and 'taedae' answering to 'face." 'Quin' confirms and adds to what has gone before. The parallel is of course between Paris and Helen on one side and Aeneas and Lavinia on the other. Aeneas is called a second Paris in a different connexion by Iarbas 4. 215. Funestae' seems to be an epithet, not a predicate, and in Pergama' is constructed with taedae,' or with the verbal notion which has to be supplied to the sentence. 'Recidiva' note on 4. 344.

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323-340.]Juno calls up the Fury Allecto, and bids her sow enmity between the Latins and the Trojans.'

323.] Juno follows her complaint, as in Book 1., by appealing for aid to one of the inferior powers; but her appeal to the powers of hell is of course the last resort and shows that destiny is about to be accomplished. Ubi' is constructed, like "Face"postquam," with the perf. in some cases where we should use the pluperf. See Madv. § 338 b. Horrenda' apparently = "torva," as in 11. 507.

320.] Virg., like Euripides, and (accord. ing to Serv.) Ennius and Pacuvius, makes VOL. III.

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Luctificam Allecto dirarum ab sede dearum
Infernisque ciet tenebris, cui tristia bella
Iraeque insidiaeque et crimina noxia cordi.
Odit et ipse pater Pluton, odere sorores
Tartareae monstrum: tot sese vertit in ora,
Tam saevae facies, tot pullulat atra colubris.
Quam Iuno his acuit verbis, ac talia fatur:
Hunc mihi da proprium, virgo sata Nocte, laborem,
Hanc operam, ne noster honos infractave cedat

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324.] 'Allecto' for Alecto,' like Homer's ἄλληκτον πολεμίζειν for ἄληκτον. So Orph. Arg. 966, Tiσipóvn te kal'Аλλŋkт καὶ δια Μέγαιρα. The names of the Furies are not given in the poets before the Alexandrine period, Müller Diss. Eum. $ 78. For 'dearum,' sororum' was the old reading and that of Heyne, and is supported by Med. second reading, Rom., and Gud. second reading. Wagn. introduced 'dearum' from fragm. Vat., Med. first reading, and Gud. first reading. 'Sororum' is less likely, on account of sorores' following so near in v. 327, and was probably introduced from v. 454. We have "dea dira" 12. 914. Dira' is sometimes used absolutely as a name for the Furies, 4. 473, 610. Dirus' appears to mean rather awful and appalling than horrible (see 8. 350), so that 'dirae deae' would nearly correspond to σeμval beaí. Luctificus' occurs in Cicero's translation from Aesch. Prom. Unbound, Tusc. 2. 10. Comp. "luctificabilis," Pers. 1. 78.

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327.] Comp. Aesch. Eum. 73 (Apollo of the Erinnyes), Miσhμaт' avdрâv Kal Oev 'OXvμTíwv. Virg. was also thinking of 11. 20. 65, τά τε στυγέουσι θεοί Heyne comp. Il. 5. 890 (Zeus to Ares), Εχθιστος δέ μοι ἐσσὶ θεῶν, οἳ Ολυμπον ἔχουσιν· Αἰεὶ γάρ τοι ἔρις τε φίλη, πόλEμoi Te μáxαι TE, from which vv. 325, 6 are evidently taken. Virg.'s sentiment is, of course, stronger than either. 'Pater' is probably to be understood strictly, as Orph. Hymn. 69 calls the Eumenides åyval θυγατέρες μεγάλοιο Διὸς χθονίοιο Φερσεpóvns T', and 'sorores' is the natural cor

325

330

relative of 'pater.' Other accounts assigned a different parentage to the Furies (see Dict. M. 'Eumenides'), Serv.e.g.speaking of them as daughters of Acheron and Night. We must suppose them then in Virg.'s view to be the children of Pluto and Night, though to a Greek this would have involved a confusion between the older and younger gods. Pluton,' the Greek form: so Hor. 2 Od. 14. 7, “illacrimabilem Plutona."

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328.] Ora,' aspects, nearly the same as "voltus;" facies,' forms. "Faciem mutatus et ora" 1. 658. Tot sese vertit in ora' seems to be an allegorical expression parallel to tibi nomina mille, mille nocendi artes v. 337. This multiformity is a substantive part of the Fury's horrors, and there is no need to fetch an epithet for 'ora' either from 'saevae' or from the general context. Comp. generally v. 447 below, "tot Erinys sibilat hydris, Tantaque se facies aperit."

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329.] Atra' belongs in sense to 'colubris.' Rom. and some other MSS. have

ora.

330.] Rom., Gud., and others have 'dictis' for 'verbis.'

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331.] Comp. 12. 846, Aesch. Eum. 69, NUKтòs Taλaιal Taîdes. 'Proprium,' especial, for herself alone (see the next line); opposed to the duties of Allecto in the moral world. Donatus explains 'proprium' peculiar to thyself: laborabis, quia nihil peto alienum a te," an interpretation also given by Serv. as an alternative. 'Dare laborem' on the analogy of "dare munus " &c., combined with "dare operam," which is a phrase for taking trouble. Rom. has laborum,' which could not well stand. There is the same variety in E. 10. 1.

332.] For the sentiment comp. 1. 48, "Et quisquam numen Iunonis adorat," &c. The construction of 'ne' after 'dare operam is common. Infracta cedat loco is well explained by Heyne as an ampli

Fama loco, neu connubiis ambire Latinum
Aeneadae possint, Italosve obsidere finis.
Tu potes unanimos armare in proelia fratres
Atque odiis versare domos, tu verbera tectis
Funereasque inferre faces, tibi nomina mille,
Mille nocendi artes. Fecundum concute pectus,
Disiice conpositam pacem, sĕre crimina belli;
Arma velit poscatque simul, rapiatque iuventus.
Exin Gorgoneis Allecto infecta venenis
Principio Latium et Laurentis tecta tyranni
Celsa petit, tacitumque obsedit limen Amatae,

fication of "infringatur" or "inminuatur." It is opposed of course to establishment on a solid foundation. We may contrast Lucr. 5. 1164, "Quae nunc in magnis florent sacra rebu' locisque." "Loco cedit " 9. 220.

333.] Neu connubiis,' &c. would appeal to the malignity of the Fury. Comp. v. 329. 'Ambire Latinum connubiis' may be simply construed to conciliate or gain over Latinus by this marriage; though there may be also a reference to "ambire connubium," like "ambire magistratum." The plural connubiis' (their marriages) perhaps has something of bitterness in it, as also has obsidere,' to beset.

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335.] Unanimes,' the reading before Heins., is found in one of Ribbeck's cursives.

336.] Versare' hardly ="vertere," to overturn (v.407), but rather i. q. "turbare." 'Verbera' and 'faces' are the whips and torches of the Furies (comp. vv. 451, 457), and here that which the whips and torches allegorize, whether the madness of crime or the fires and lashes of remorse. Funereas' is only the same as "atro" v. 456 and "atris" 4. 384. Another view makes 'verbera' quarrels and funereas faces' the funerals of those who are slain. But besides the fact that 'verbera' and 'faces' are the undoubted attributes of the Fury, 'verbera' is never used in Virg. in the general sense of blows, but only of a whip or lash.

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337.] Nomina mille' alludes to the variety of names, expressive of their various attributes, which were given to the gods, and from which they were called πολυώνυμοι. Your power is felt under a thousand names;' a reason why she would find it easy to gratify Juno.

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338.] Concute :' the metaphor bably from the shaking of a cloak, or something of the same kind, to see if there is

335

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339.] Disiice' = "rumpe." Sil. 2. 295 has "disiectaque pax est," doubtless an imitation. 'Pacem conponere' occurs again 12. 822. Sere crimina' like "serit rumores 12. 228.

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340.] Juno says in effect, 'Cause a sudden quarrel that may lead to bloodshed before Aeneas and Latinus can interpose.' The wish, the demand, and the taking of the demand for granted are to be contemporaneous. "Arma volunt" 12. 242.

Poscat,' apparently of Latinus and Aeneas, like "bellum poscunt" below v. 584. Some of Pierius' MSS. gave "Troiana iuventus" for 'rapiatque iuventus.'

341-372.]Allecto goes to Latinus' palace, and plants a snake in the bosom of the queen, who inveighs against the Trojan alliance, reminds her husband of his promise to Turnus, and attempts to explain away the oracle.'

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341.] Infecta venenis' instead of "cincta serpentibus veneno infectis," because the venomous serpents on her head were part of herself, vv. 346, 450. Comp. Claud. in Rufin. 1. 66, "tortos serpentum erexit hiatus, Noxiaque effudit concusso crine venena." Gorgoneis' is properly an epithet of the serpents, like those of Medusa.

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342.] Tyranni:' v. 266 above.

343. Tacitum' has been interpreted either as in a retired part of the house

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