575 Pastorum ex acie numerus, caesosque reportant 574.] The army seems to have consisted of shepherds (vv. 519 foll.); so that 'ex acie' must mean that they broke up their battle array and ran to the city. It seems to be implied that they were defeated, if not routed. 575.] Ora Galaesi' as connected with reportant' is a periphrasis for Galaesum' (comp. 4. 511, G. 4.12): in itself however it is not a mere periphrasis, but fixes attention on the face, as the part in which the ghastliness and disfigurement of his violent death were most visible: comp. 2. 286 (of the mangled apparition of Hector), quae caussa indigna serenos Foedavit voltus ?" The construction thus brings out the double sense of 'foedare,' which is both to wound and to disfigure. 66 576.] Comp. the phrase " deorum atque hominum fidem inplorare," and Cic. 2 Verr. 5. sub fin., "Ceteros item deos deasque omnes inploro atque obtestor." • Obtestantur Latinum' probably denotes merely an appeal for protection, and not, as Forb. thinks after Serv., an appeal to witness the breach of the treaty which Turnus either threatens himself (see above vv. 467 foll.) or bids them expect from the Trojans (comp. 10. 77, where the Trojans are charged with employing fire against the Latins). So "ipsum obtestemur 11. 358. 577.] Heyne, following the editors before Heins., reads ignis,' which, if taken with 'terrorem,' would give a good sense, 'terrorem caedis et ignis' being the alarm of fire and sword. But this reading is supported only by Gud. and some inferior MSS. (including the Balliol) and by Donatus; while the authority of the other MSS. and Serv. is in favour of igni,' which was the reading of Heins., and has been restored by Wagn. 'Igni' also may derive some confirmation from the structure of the verse, which is similar to 6. 255, "Ecce autem primi sub lumina solis et ortus." Poetically speaking, 'igni' seems preferable: that is, medio in crimine' would be improved by amplification, while 'terrorem' would perhaps be weakened by it. On the other hand it must be admitted that ignis criminis' is somewhat a bold metaphor in Latin; it is helped out however by the zeugma, which enables us to take medio in crimine caedis et igni' as a kind of hendiadys, "in the midst of the furious outcry at the slaughter," and supported by 11. 225, "medio in flagrante tumultu," where, though the expression is much more common, the image is really the same, and the turn of the words sufficiently similar to make it probable that Virg. wrote 'igni' here. 578, 579.] Terrorem' by itself seems best referred to the threats of Turnus. Cic. Brut. 11, § 44 speaks of "[Periclis] vim dicendi terroremque.” "In regna," "in partem regni:" comp. v. 313. Turnus speaks as usual of Aeneas and the Trojans as one but the grievance is not the admission of the Trojans as subjects of Latinus, but the association of a foreigner in the empire. So 'admisceri' is rather "regiae domo " than "Latinorum populo,' and limine' is the royal house. Gossrau comp. "limine prohiberi" Cic. pro Caec. 12, § 35, Emm., "limine summoveor Juv. 3. 124. Admisceri' refers to the mixture of blood: comp. 6. 762., 8. 510. There may be a taint of effeminacy implied in Phrygiam,' as Forb. thinks. 580.] Attonitae Baccho,' inspired by Bacchus the word is common for strong divine influence, as in 6. 53, Hor. 3 Od. 19. 14, "attonitus vates." So Archiloch. fr. 79 Bergk, olvo σvykepavvwbels opévas. Matres,' i. q. "matronae,' 'quorum' being probably their relations generally. Insultant nemora' is a Grecism: comp. Soph. Aj. 30, ηdŵνтα τedía &c. Comp. also " navigat aequor (1. 67), "natat freta" (G. 3. 260), and the converse construction in bacchata virginibus Tay geta" (G. 2. 487). 581.] Thiasis,' E. 5. 30. The autho Undique collecti coeunt, Martemque fatigant. rity of Amata combines with family sympathy to put the relatives of the matrons on the side of war. 582.] “ Undique collecti” 2. 414. 'Martem' is the substance of the reiterated cry expressed by 'fatigant.' “Cry, War, War!" This seems the best way of explaining the acc., which in Greek would be readily accounted for as a cogn. There is a somewhat similar use in Sil. 2. 675, “ Inde agitant consulta patres curasque fatigant.” To take • Martem as the god and fatigant' as i. q. " precibus fatigant" would be simpler; but we should then lose the force of 'fatigant' as expressing the effect on Latinus. 66 584.] Perversus' occurs E. 3. 13 as a synonym for " malignus," which is probably its sense here (comp. Catalecta 14. 7, perversi Manes"). "Hic dies perversus atque adversus mihi obtigit Plaut. Men. 5. 1. Serv., who is followed by Gossrau, takes 'perverso' as i. q. "adverso:" Heyne, with whom Forb. agrees, renders' perverso numine'". perversa, conturbata, et infirmata deorum voluntate." They are going against the will of heaven and fate, but it is under the influence of a malign preternatural power. 586.] This simile is an amplified and ornamented imitation of Il. 15. 618 foll., where the image is applied to the serried array of the Greeks, repulsing a charge of the Trojans. 587.] Heyne, following Heins., has abolished this line on grounds which he thinks obvious, but which are difficult to 585 590 apprehend. It occurs in all the MSS. except the 2nd Leipsic of the 13th century. In two others, the second Mentelian and the Bigotian, it is added as a correction, having, no doubt, been omitted by accident, it not being necessary to the construction. The repetition of 'pelagi rupes,' which is obviously for poetic effect, may be paralleled from II. 20. 371, Tỷ 8' ἐγὼ ἀντίος εἶμι, καὶ εἰ πυρὶ χεῖρας ἔοικεν, Εἰ πυρὶ χεῖρας ἔοικε, μένος δ' αἴθωνι σιδήρῳ : ib. 22. 127, ἅτε παρθένος ήΐθεός τε, Παρθέ νος ήθεός τ' ὀαρίζετον ἀλλήλοιϊν: and from Lucr. 5. 950,"proluvie larga lavere humida saxa, Humida saxa, super viridi stillantia musco. Comp. also 12. 546, "domus alta sub Ida, Lyrnesi domus alta." "" 588.] Forb. comp. 3. 432, "Scyllam et caeruleis canibus resonantia saxa." The expression has been imitated by Silius and Claudian. 6 589.] Mole' is of course for "mole sua' (10. 771), which would be the more regular expression. Med. (corrected), Verona fragm. &c. omit 'et,' owing to a wrong punctuation, condemned by Serv., by which the stop was placed after scopuli.' 'Scopuli' are the peaks, 'saxa the smaller rocks over which the sea breaks ('spumea'), while rupes' is the whole cliff. Nequiquam,' because, in spite of the din, the cliff remains unmoved. 590.] Laterique' &c. is not an idle addition, as Wagn. thinks, but adds to the picture both of the violence of the waves and the stability of the rock. Some copies have 'aspersa' for 'inlisa.' 591.] Comp. 3. 670, " Verum ubi nulla datur dextra adfectare potestas." It is difficult to say whether caecum consilium ' is the hidden purpose of Juno and the Fury or, as Serv. and others take it, the blind will of the people. Consilium, et saevae nutu Iunonis eunt res, 594.] Frangimur: "fracti bello fatisque repulsi" 2. 13. Ferimur procella' like "fertur equis," as Germ. remarks. 595.] 'Has poenas,' the penalty of this: see on 2. 171. Sacrilego, because it was against the will of heaven: comp. vv. 583, 4. "Scelerato sanguine" 12. 949. 'Ipsi,' in your own persons, not in mine: see v. 598. 596.] Nefas,' the punishment of crime: comp. 7. 307, "Quod scelus aut Lapithas tantum, aut Calydona merentem?" For 'manebit' we might have expected "manet:" Latinus however is not speaking destiny, but denouncing punishment contingently on crime. 598.] Nam' refers to what precedes. 'You will suffer, not I: for' &c. The difficulty of omnisque in limine portus' is well known. Serv. renders it "securitas omnis in promptu est," taking 'portus' as the nom., and so it seems to have been understood by Paullinus, Carm. 12. 31, who evidently imitates Virg., "Inque tuo placidus nobis sit limine portus." Ruhkopf interprets it similarly, "omne auxilium mihi ante pedes et paratum est seni," and Wagn. and Forb. conOn the other hand Heyne makes 'portus' gen., paraphrasing the words cur. 66 595 'ego omnis, totus, sum in limine, aditu, portus; in portu iam tantum non navigo;" and so Gossrau, "iam prope absum a portu, iam sum ad limen portus, quem introeam." The objection to the former view seems to be the apparent confusion of metaphor between portus' and 'limine' (in limine not having been yet shown to be a current synonyme for "in promptu "), and the application of 'omnis' to portus,' which, though it may very well be used siinply for 'rest' in a context for this, like our haven,' could hardly be generalized by 'omnis,' while the order of the words is rather against taking 'omnis' as a predicate, i.q. "omnino in limine." The objection to the latter is the omission of sum,' and generally the want of specification of the subject of the clause. This would be removed by taking away the stop after portus,' so as to make 'spolior the principal verb: but the sense would then seem scarcely to cohere, Latinus saying in one breath that he has rest in store for him and that he loses a happy death. Ladewig attempts to bring the clause into harmony by adopting a variant in the Codex Minoraugiensis, 'non' for 'nam,' Latinus being made to say that he had lost his prospect of peace. A better way of expressing this would be to read rapta' for 'parta,' just as in 8. 317 "rapto" for "parto is one of the readings of Med. But this is clearly not what Virg. means : the gist of Latinus' speech is not that Turnus and the Latins will suffer for disturbing the quiet of his last days, but that retribution for the war will fall on them, not on him; all that he can lose is a death of quiet, his final rest being assured. Possibly this may be expressed by the sentence punctuated as proposed above, 'omnisque in limine portus Funere felici spolior,' if we suppose the main stress to fall on the first words, it is only when just on the harbour's verge that I am robbed of a happy death:' but the sentence then would be inconveniently loaded. On the whole it seems best to accept the ellipse of 'sum,' awkward as it is, supposing that 66 Funere felici spolior. Nec plura locutus Mos erat Hesperio in Latio, quem protinus urbes Albanae coluere sacrum, nunc maxuma rerum Roma colit, cum prima movent in proelia Martem, Sive Getis inferre manu lacrimabile bellum Hyrcanisve Arabisve parant, seu tendere ad Indos Virg. trusted to the proximity of spolior to make the subject of the clause clear. Canon. has a remarkable reading, ‘somnusque in limine partus :" but though this would remove all difficulty, it seems hardly in the style of Virg., who would scarcely have repeated 'partus' except as substitute for " quae:" see on E. 4. 6. Wordsworth on Theocr. 2. 126 had already conjectured somni' for 'omnis,' a very plausible change if we were dealing with an author whose text was less supported by MSS. "Vobis parta quies" 3. 495 (see on 2. 784), though the 'quies' of Helenus and Andromache, like that of Antenor 1. 249, is peaceful life, not death. The metaphorical use of portus' is as old as Enn. Thyest. fr. 16, "Neque sepulcrum quo recipiat habeat, portum corporis, Ubi remissa humana vita corpus requiescat malis." 599.] Comp. 2. 646, "facilis iactura sepulcri," where the thought is the same, though Latinus does not extenuate the privation as pointedly as Anchises. 600.] "Linquebat habenas" 11. 827. "Legum habenae" occurs in a poet quoted by Cic. de Or. 3. 41; "habenas profundi" Lucr. 2. 1096. By the secession of Latinus, as Heyne observes, Turnus becomes chief of the Latin confederacy, in which otherwise, though called "rex," he is a subordinate, so that, though a Rutulian, he is called Laurens Turnus" (v. 650). 601-640.] War is formally declared, according to a custom still observed at Rome, by opening the temple of the wargod, an act here performed by Juno herself. Five great cities of the Ausonian confederacy rush to arms.' 601.] "Hesperia" being an ancient name for Italy, "Hesperius" will be equivalent to ancient or primitive. Connect 'protinus coluere sacrum,' kept up the observance of it; 'protinus' denoting that the custom passed without a break from the ancient Latins to the Albans, like porro" 5. 600. Here as elsewhere (1. 6, 265 foll., 12. 826) Virg. makes Alba succeed to Latium, Rome to Alba. Bear 66 600 605 ing this in mind, we need hardly inquire whether he had any definite meaning in " urbes Albanae," such as the Alban colonies. Livy 1. 19 assigns this institution, like other parts of Roman religion, to Numa. 602.] For the grammatical relation between maxuma' and 'rerum' see on G. 2.534, "Roma-pulcherrima rerum." The ordinary sense of the gen. as partitive may be supported from Hor. Carm. Sec. 11, "possis nihil urbe Roma Visere maius." "Hinc maxuma porro Accepit Roma" 5. 600. 603.] Prima' is adverbial, though agreeing with proelia.' 'Movent in proelia Martem:' the image seems to be that of crying on a god with the intent of rousing him, if not of laying hands on his statue. See on 8. 3. 604.] The allusions which follow are probably all to the foreign wars of Augustus. The Getae represent the tribes on the Danube, whose incursions disturbed that frontier of the empire (G. 2. 497), and against whom Lentulus made a successful expedition about A.U.C. 729. Catullus (11. 5 foll.) mentions the Hyrcanians and Arabians together with the Sacae and Parthians as representatives of the East, and perhaps the Hyrcani and Arabians are used in the same general way here. A special expedition was however made into Arabia Felix by Aelius Gallus, governor of Egypt under Augustus in A.U.C. 730 (Dict. B. Gallus, Aelius '). The rest relates to the real diplomatic success and imaginary warlike victories of Augustus in the East; to his protection of Tiridates, the defeated pretender to the throne of Parthia, who fled to him when he was in Syria after the battle of Actium, and to his recovery of the standards and captive soldiers of Crassus through the fears of the newly restored king Phraates A.U c. 729. Comp. 6. 794 foll., G. 3. 30 foll. Lacrimabile bellum' is the Homeric TоλúdaкρνS Apns, daкpvóels пóλeμos. 'Manu,' 2. 645 &c. 605.] Hyrcanisque Arabisque' is the Auroramque sequi Parthosque reposcere signa: reading of MSS. mentioned by Pierius, and is partially supported by fragm. Vat., which has Hyrcanisque,' but afterwards is defective or illegible. Arabis' as if from "Arabus," "Arabibus" being metrically unmanageable. The adj. Arabus' is cited by Charisius p. 99 from Plaut. Poen. 5. 4. 6, where the common reading is “Arabius,” from a passage, now lost, in the Bacchides of the same author, and from Lucilius, Book 25; he also quotes 'Arabi' as a substantive from a letter of C. Cassius to Dolabella. Serv. comp. "Aethiops," "Aethiopus," "Hiber," "Hiberus." 'Indos:' comp. 8. 705, G. 2. 172, Hor. 1 Od. 12. 56. ་ 606.] Auroram sequi,' to penetrate to the furthest East. Comp. 10. 193, "sidera voce secutum," 12. 592, "ardua pennis Astra sequi." 607.] The reference is to the gates of Janus, once supposed to have been the gates of a temple, but now agreed to have been two doors at each end of a passage where a statue of Janus stood. Virg. calls them Belli portae' here and in 1. 294, which agrees with Plut. Numa 19, ἔστι δὲ αὐτοῦ (Numa) καὶ νεὼς ἐν Ῥώμῃ díovpos, dv Пoréμov Пúλŋy kaλoûσi. Comp. also the lines from Ennius cited on v. 622. 'Sic nomine dicunt' would certainly seem to show that the name was a recognized It is difficult to say whether Virg. means Bellum' here to be confined within the gates, like Fury 1.294. The guardianship of Janus would seem to imply that there is some one or something to guard. one. 608.] 'Formidine,' the terrible influence or presence: comp. G. 4. 468, "caligantem nigra formidine lucum." Religione sacer 8. 598. Here the more special 'formidine Martis' explains the general 'religione.' Mars seems to be introduced simply as the patron of every thing warlike, not identified with 'Bellum,' at least if Bellum' is intended to be confined within the gates. 610 609.] In A. 1. 1. c. the bars are not mentioned: Fury however is represented as bound "centum aenis nodis.' "Duri robora ferri" Lucr. 2. 449. Bars of iron seem to be intended, as well as of brass. 610.] Hor. 2 Ep. 1. 255 has a somewhat different conception, "Claustraque custodem pacis cohibentia Ianum.” 611.] Sedet' comp. v. .368., 2. 660 &c. "Sententia sedit" 11. 551. 'Pugnae' probably with sententia' rather than with 'certa,' though 'sententia pugnae' for a resolution in favour of war seems unexampled. 66 612.] Quirinali trabea' as Quirinali lituo" v. 187. The trabea' ("parva trabea" v. 187) was probably transmitted with the other of the regal insignia from the kings to the consuls as the heirs of their majesty. Juv. 8. 259, "Ancilla natus trabeam et diadema Quirini-meruit." The 'cinctus Gabinus' was formed by girding the toga tight round the body by one of its "laciniae or loose ends. It appears to have been one of the primitive fashions which were preserved on sacred occasione. Its connexion with Gabii is unexplained. Serv. has a story that Gabii was invaded during the performance of a sacrifice, whereupon the citizens went in their sacrificial 'cinctus' and repulsed the enemy. 613.]Has-reserat stridentia limina' is an anacoluthon common in Greek (e. g. Soph. El. 1364, Toùs yàp ev μéow λóyovs Πολλαὶ κυκλοῦνται νύκτες ἡμέραι τ ̓ ἴσαι, Αἳ ταῦτά σοι δείξουσιν, Ηλέκτρα, σαφῆ). There is a similar instance 2. 438 foll., where Virg. begins intending to construct "ingentem pugnam" with "cernimus," and then interposes a parenthetical clause which suggests the variation of the expression and the introduction of a new acc. Limina'"fores," as in 2. 479. 'Stridentia:' "foribus cardo stridebat aenis" 1. 449. |