Septuagint, and of an inspired apostle, should weigh more with us than that of our present Hebrew copies, which may have been corrupted through the mistake of transcribers, and that in this case the Hebrew should be corrected by the Greek. He conjectures, therefore, that the word "Nosnaim, aures, was in the true copy as-guph, tunc corpus. We have other instances of the like mistakes of joining two words in one. In the fifteenth verse of the third chapter mah lachem, quid vobis, as it is in the keri, is made one word in the chetibh, bo mallachem, which sig nifies their king; but in that place it carries no sense at all. As for the change of guph, into D" naim, it is not very improbable, considering the similitude of the gimel and › nun, the 'jod and › vau, and the phe final, and mem final; for if the long stroke of the phe, below the line, was obscure, it might easily be mistaken for mem clausum. Indeed the word

of Isaiah,

guph is not found in the Hebrew a guphah, the feminine; and

guph

Bible; but we have is frequently used by the rabbies. Perhaps, therefore, it might be an arα ɛyouevov in the clause under consideration. However, if that be disliked, we need only read my gevah, which the Seventy elsewhere render rupa, see Job xx, 25. As for the verb charah, Stockius shows its proper meaning is paravit*. So that, according to this conjectural criticism, the clause is literally rendered, by the Septuagint and by the apostle, σwμa xarηptiow poi, "a body hast thou prepared me.” σωμα κατηρτίσω μοι,

Dr. Doddridget brings another solution of the words from Monsieur Saurin, who supposes that the Septuagint chose to explain the phrase of boring the ear by that of preparing the body for service; as better known to those for whom the version was intended; and therefore to be preferred also by the apostle, who, though he directs this epistle to the Hebrews, to whom the other custom might be well known, yet intended it for general use.

We return to the sabbatical year. The

Fourth Observance, which we mentioned, was the public reading of the law at the close of it at the feast of tabernacles,

* See Stockii Clavis Vet. Test. in verb.

† Doddridge in loc.

↑ Saurin's Serm. vol. xi, p. 17-23.

Deut. xxxi, 10, 11. As men's minds were now free from cares by the release of their debts, it might be supposed they would the better attend to God's law. This, therefore, was a proper opportunity for the public reading it to the people.

As for the general reason, on which the law concerning the sabbatical year was grounded, it was no doubt partly political and civil; to prevent the land being worn out by continual tilling*: partly religious; to afford the poor and labouring people more leisure one year in seven, to attend to devotional exercises and partly mystical, typifying that spiritual rest, which Christ will give to all who come unto him, Matt. xi, 28. Some, both Jews and Christians, make the sabbatical year to be typical of the Millennium. For as the law consecrates the seventh day and the seventh year, they conclude the world will last six thousand years in the state in which we now see it; or, as R. Elias in the Talmud expresses it, two thousand years without the law, two thousand under the law, and two thousand under the Messiah+. After which comes the grand sabbath of one thousand years. This notion, though it be perhaps without any sufficient ground, might be improved into an argument ad hominem, to convince the Jews that the Messiah must be already come; since the world is gone far more than half way through the last two thousand years of the six thousand, allowed by their tradition for its continuance; during which period, therefore, if at all, must be the reign of the Messiah +.

Maimon. Moreh Nebhoch. part. iii, cap. xxxix; Philo de Execrationibus, Oper. p. 724, B. C. edit. Colon. Allobr. 1613.

+ Vid. Cocceii, Sanhedrim et Maccoth, apud excerpt. Gemar. Sanhedr. cap. xi, sect. xxix, p. 346, edit. Amstel. 1629.

See on this subject the Commentators on Deut. xv, particularly Ainsworth; see also Reland. Antiq. Hebr. part. iv, cap. viii, sect. xiii—xvii.

CHAP. X.

THE JUBILEE.

THE jubilee was the grand sabbatical year, celebrated after every seven septenaries of years; namely, every forty-ninth or fiftieth year. This was a year of general release, not only of all debts, like the common sabbatical year, but of all slaves; and of all lands and possessions which had been sold, or otherwise alienated from the families and tribes to which they originally belonged*.

The critics are not agreed about the etymology of the word bar Jobel. Some derive it from Jubal, who was the inventor of musical instruments, Gen. iv, 21; and suppose, that this year was named after him, because it is a year of mirth and joy, on which music is a common attendant; or, as we say in English, a jovial time, the word jovial being perhaps a corruption of the Hebrew word Jobel; or else, because it was ushered in with the musical sound of the trumpet through the whole land. Others, particularly R. David Kimchi, tell us, that Jobel signifies a ram in the Arabic; and that this year was so called, because it was proclaimed with trumpets made of rams' hornst, With him the rabbies in general agree§. Bochart, however, is of opinion, there were never any trumpets made of rams' horns, they being very unsuitable for such a purpose, and that the phrase shopheroth hajjobhelim, which, in the sixth chapter of Joshua, ver. 4, we render trumpets of rams' horns, means only such trumpets

* See the institution of this festival, in Lev. xxv, 8—17.

† See Mafius ad Josh. vi, 4, apud Criticos Sacros.

↑ R. D. Kimch. in Lev. xxv.

§ R. S. Jarchi in Lev. xxv, and the Chaldee Paraphrast sometimes explains Jobel by 7 dichra, a ram, particularly in Josh. vi, 4.

as were to be used in proclaiming the jubilee; which, it is far more probable, were made of the horns of oxen than of rams*.

Hottinger is of opinion, that Jobel is a word invented to imitate the sound of the instrument, and that it does not therefore signify the trumpet itself, but the sound it made‡. Dr. Patrick espouses this etymology, and conceives this year was called Jobel from the sound then everywhere made; as the feast of the passover was styled Pesach, from the angel's passing over the Israelites when he slew the Egyptians §.

There is another opinion, which bids as fair for probability as any of the former, that Jobel comes from jabal, in hiphil, an hobil, which signifies to recal, restore, bring back, &c., because this year restored all slaves to their liberty, and brought back all alienated estates to the families to which they originally belonged ||. Accordingly the Septuagint renders Jobel, aperis, a remission, Lev. xxv, 10; and Josephus saith it signifies Evɛplav, liberty ¶.

As the learned are not agreed about the etymology of the name, so neither about the year in which the festival was to be celebrated; whether every forty-ninth, or every fiftieth; and it is hard to say, which of these opinions hath the most eminent, or the most numerous advocates. On the former side are Joseph Scaliger**, Petavius ++, Jacobus Capellus,

*Bochart. Hierozoic. part. i, lib. ii, cap. xliii, Oper. tom. ii, p. 425,

426.

+ Job. Hen. Hottinger. Analect. Historico-Theolog. dissert. iii; et Joh. Hen. Hottinger, jun. Annot in Godwin.

ix.

↑ See Exod. xix, 13, and other places,

§ Patrick on Lev. xxv, 10.

Fuller. Miscell. Sacr. lib. iv, cap. viii, apud Criticos Sacros, tom.

¶ Joseph. Antiq. lib. iii, cap. xii, sect. iii, p. 184.

** Scaliger de Emendat. Tempor. lib. vii, p. 782, D. Colon. Allobr. 1629; Canon. Isagog. lib. i, p. 55, ad calcem Thesaur. Tempor. Amstel. 1658; et Animadvers. in Chronic. Eusebii, p. 15.

+ Petav. Rationar. Tempor. part. ii, lib. ii, cap. vii, p. 87, et seq. edit. Paris, 1673; et de Doctrin. Tempor. lib. ix, cap. xxvii.

Jacob. Capell. Histor. Sacr. et Exotic. ad A. M. 2549.

Cuneus*, Spanheim†, Usher‡, Le Clerc §, and many others; on the latter, the Jews in general, many of the Christian fathers, and among the moderns Fagius, Junius**, Hottinger++, Schindler‡‡, Leidekker§§, Leusden||||, Meyer¶¶, Calmet [*], &c.

The ground of the former opinion is chiefly this, that the forty-ninth year being of course a sabbatical year, if the jubilee had been kept on the fiftieth, the land must have had two sabbaths, or must have lain fallow two years together, since all agriculture was forbid on the jubilee, as well as on the sabbatical year.

Now this is thought an unreasonable supposition, since in all likelihood, without a miracle, it must have produced a dearth. If the law, therefore, had carried any such intention, one might have expected a special promise, that the forty-eighth year should bring forth fruit for four years, as there was, that the sixth year should bring forth fruit for three.

On the other hand it is alleged, that the scripture declares for the fiftieth year, Lev. xxv, 10, 11; " And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land

* Cunæus de Republ. Hebr. lib. i, cap. vi, p. 54 et seq.

+ Spanhem. Chronolog. Sacra, part. i, cap. xvi, p. 84-86, apud Oper. Geograph. Chronolog. et Histor. Lugd. Bat. 1701.

Usser. Annal. A. M. 2609 Jubilæus Primus, A. M. 2658 Jubilæus Secundus, see p. 24; A. M. 2707 Jubilæus Tertius, p. 25, edit. Genev. 1722.

§ Cleric. in Lev. xxv, 10.

See Chaldee Paraphrast on Lev. xxv; Maimon. de Anno Sabbatico et Jubileo, cap. x, sect. vii; R. Menachem. in Lev. xxv.

Fagius in Lev. xxv, 10.

** Junius et Tremellius in loc. + Hottinger. Annot. in Godwin. lib. iii, cap. x, sect. xi, annot. i, p. 635,

636.

tt Schindler. Lexic. Pentaglot. in verb

$$ Leidekker. de Republ. Hebræor. lib. v, cap. xiv, sect. iv, p. 323, Amstel. 1704.

1682.

Leusden. Philolog. Hebræo-mixt. dissert. xli, p. 290, edit. Ultrajecti,

¶¶ Meyer. de Tempor. et Fest. Hebræor. part. ii, cap. xviii. sect. vii— xlix, p. 343–358. 2d edit. Amstel. 1724, where he considers the argument at large.

[*] Calmet on the word Jubilee.