cussion; but as this subject, in all its complex details, was so minutely canvassed in the house of commons, it was almost impossible to introduce into the debates any thing distinguished either for novelty or importance. It will therefore be sufficient to observe, that their lordships made several amendments. The bill was then passed, and ordered to be sent back to the commons. But as their lordships had altered the date in the clause relative to the return necessary to establish a title to exemption, a debate arose, in which it was argued that such an amendment was an interference with the privileges of the house. It was, therefore, proposed, with a view to protect the privileges of the house against any the slightest violation, that the present bill should be rejected, and a new bill, in which these objections should be obviated, passed through the house in a single day. On the other hand it was contended, that the amendment, instead of trenching on the privileges of the commons, only went to carry their intentions more fully into effect. The chancellor of the exchequer proposed to amend the date adopted by the lords. This was agreed to, and the other amendments met with the assent or dissent of the house, in conformity to the report of the select committee, to whom they had been in the first instance referred. The alterations made by the commons were agreed to by the house of lords; and on the 5th of June the bill received the royal as

sent.

Although few subjects have been so fully and circumstantially discussed in parliament as the volunteer system, it may, however, be fairly inferred from the general complexion of the debates, that

the merits of this establishment were either considerably under-valued, or appreciated beyond their just importance. To represent a body of men, practised in the use of arms so far as to be capable of executing with dexterity and precision almost every thing necessary in actual service, as a completely inefficient force, and calculated to make no sort of impression upon the enemy, is entirely to deny them that justice which is due to their patriotic energy and their military skill. But, on the other hand, as the industrious pursuits of commerce are in a great degree incompatible with the cultivation of military habits, it is certainly expecting too much, to suppose that the volunteers, who are principally composed of persons engaged in commercial occupations, may be rendered susceptible of the discipline and perfection of troops of the line.

We acknowledge that our opinion does not coincide with either of these representations. For to us it appears, that the volunteers cannot, in the first instance, be considered in any other light than that of an auxiliary force; which, upon the emergency of taking, and continuing in, the field, may be rapidly converted into a force fully equal, with respect to efficiency, to a well disciplined militia. It is needless to make any comment on the utility of a force of this description, especially when employed in defensive rather than offensive warfare. The enemy, in all probability, is com. pletely aware of this; for the mere circumstance of having a large body of men in arms, though very inferior to his troops in point of military qualifications, must give a doubtful character to the project of invasion. Let him calculate on the success of his first operations,

(how

(however erroneous the calculation) still every day must present new difficulties, arising from the rapid improvement of the volunteers in every branch of knowledge, and every point of discipline, essential to efficient and regular service. It is not therefore what the volunteers are at present, that should establish the criterion upon which the merits or defects of the system should be determined; it is the degree of efficiency of which, in case they should take the field, they are suceptible, from their public spirit and their patriotic ardour, and from their present knowledge of military affairs, which can alone furnish the means of forming a just conception of the true value and importance of the volunteer establishment. It may be said, that all the mischief might be accomplished by the enemy before the volunteers could, from experience, arrive at this useful degree of efficiency. But this opinion makes no allowance for the many natural obstructions which this inclosed country presents to an invading enemy, and which might be almost indefinitely multiplied by the labours of the volunteers. We have been led to make these few observations, from a conviction that the volunteer system has been much misrepresented both in and out of parliament. It has been equally the subject of unqualified panegyric, and of unqualified disapprobation. It merits neither. For defensive purposes, it may be rendered very usefully efficient; but the circumstances of far the greater part of the volunteers are so little favourable to perfection in martial discipline, that it is completely in vain to expect it, unless the state of the country be materially changed, unless we sacrifice the manifold advantages of a great

commercial nation to the establishment of a military empire. For it cannot be conceived that the same individuals who are successfully engaged in the promotion of our commercial grandeur, can at the same time be employed as the instruments of a formidable and permanent military institution.

As we have continued our account of the debates on the subject of the volunteers through a considerable part of the session, we must now return to an earlier period, in order to take a view of those parliamentary events which we have hitherto had no opportunity to notice. In pursuing this course, we have imposed on ourselves the painful duty of recording an event, which cannot even now be mentioned without exciting feelings of universal regret. During the space of about fourteen days, his majesty had laboured under a dangerous and distressing affliction, and no communication on this very delicate and alarming subject had been made to the house. On the 27th February his majesty's ministers were called upon for an explicit.ommunication. But, in reply, it was stated that such a communication would be not only inexpedient, but highly indecent, under the present circumstances of his majesty's indisposition. Upon this it was observed, that no mintsters whatever possessed the right of determining when a communication of this nature should be made to parliament. It was asked, what would be the consequence the total suspension of the execu tive authority, if the enemy, at such a crisis, were to effect a landing on our shores? It was, therefore, required, that the two houses of parliament should be apprised of the actual state of his majesty's health, in order to form an opinion of the

of

steps

steps necessary to be adopted for the public interest. If the communication were of a favourable nature, it would be the duty of parliament to determine what time should elapse before resorting to extraordinary measures. But if the communication should not be satisfactory, the house, in the exercise of its constitutional privileges, would be called upon to deliberate as to the steps proper to be adopted, and to decide whether these steps should be applicable to a contingent event, or directed to an immediate evil.

To this it was answered, that the resolution of ministers had not been hastily adopted, but was the result of much consultation; it was brought forward under the fullest impression of its necessity, and the most grave conviction of the responsibility which it necessarily involved. An assurance was given, that, in the event of invasion, the business of government would encounter no sort of impediment; for, if any extraordinary occasion should arise, in which the executive power might be called upon to act, there existed no obstruction to the exercise of the royal functions. It was affirmed that his majesty's ministers had abstained from making any communication, from a sincere conviction that it would be inexpedient, and that, instead of being subservient to any useful purpose, it might only lead to discussions, at all times to be reprobated, but more especially to be avoided in the present circumstances of the empire. They did not question the right of the house ultimately to determine, whether any steps may be supposed requisite to meet any extraordinary emergency arising from the suspension of the royal functions, or

whether it might be expedient to adopt any measures beyond the common course of procedure.

These declarations were considered by several members to be unsatisfactory. It was stated, that the proceedings of ministers tended to carry the doctrine of confidence to the most extravagant excess; for, if it be admitted, as ministers had declared, "that at this time there was not any necessary suspension of such royal functions as it may be incumbent on his majesty to discharge," the statement was qualified with respect to such functions as extraordinary circumstances may render necessary. If the royal authority, in the present state of his majesty's health, was thus competent to some things, and incompetent to others, ministers, it was asserted, took in fact every thing upon themselves.

The statement respecting his majesty's health was then rendered more explicit by the declaration, that there was at that time no necessary suspension of the royal functions for any acts which may be necessary to be done. This representation was also deemed unsatisfactory, but no measure was upon that ground submitted to parliament. This awful suspense was at length happily terminated on the 9th of March, when the lord chancellor communicated to the house the important information, that, not satisfied with the reports and assurances of the medical attendants of his majesty, he had conceived it proper and necessary to have a personal interview with the sovereign, at which due discussion had taken place, with respect to the bills submitted for the royal assent; and he had no hesitation to aver, that the result of all that took place upon the occasion

fully

fully justified him in announcing his majesty's assent to the bills specified in the royal commission.This communication diffused a general joy throughout the country,

and the recovery of his majesty! was hailed as a national blessing, in the midst of the many unavoidable calamities in which the empire was involved.

ALTHOUGH the restriction

on the issues of cash by the bank of Ireland has generally been regarded as a measure necessarily resulting from the restriction on the bank of England, yet, when it was submitted to the house on the 13th of February, it occasioned a debate of some length, in which many important subjects connected with the situation of Ireland were introduced. Lord Archibald Hamilton observed, that in consequence of repeatedly renewing the measure of restriction, the paper currency of Ireland had increased to a most alarming extent, and the evils accompanying this increase had been magnified in a proportionate degree. Depreciation, he said, was the necessary and constant result of such a disproportionately extensive circulation of paper. At the time the restriction was first imposed by the Irish house of commons, the issue of bank notes a mounted only to six hundred thousand; `at this moment, their a

mount was not less than two mile

lions six hundred thousand. The measure of restriction, therefore, had occasioned an increase of about two millions. The pro portion of gold coin to be balanced against this excessive paper circulation, his lordship stated to be about one million. Gold coin, therefore, rose in price exactly in proportion to the depreciation of paper currency. The effect of this depreciation was felt very strongly in the rates of exchange. Even between Dublin and Belfast, a distance of about 100 miles, the difference in the exchange amounted to ten per cent. Betwixt London and Dublin the exchange formerly fluctuated from eight or nine to sixteen per cent. to the disadvan tage of Ireland. The loss was now much more considerable; it had been as high as nineteen, anđ even twenty per cent. He acknowledged that payments in cash could not be resumed without some degree of danger; but this would naturally

be increased in proportion to the continuance of the restriction.

Mr. Corry rose to reply.-He vindicated the conduct of the bank of Ireland from the charge of having extended the issues of their paper with improvident liberality. Supposing it to be true that there was a great profusion of paper currency in Ireland, the fault, he maintained, was not imputable to the bank directors. They had no control over the issues of notes by any of the private banks. It was by the possession of this control that the bank of England was effectually enabled to restrain the circulation of notes beyond what appeared expedient. He stated several circumstances to justify the conduct of the directors of the Irish bank. In the year when the restriction first took place, the bank received an addition of capital to the amount of half a million. Previously to the restrictions, specie had disappeared from year to year, and private bankers had been prohibited from issuing notes under five guineas value. The consequence was, that a new issue of small notes became necessary, in order to fill up the deficiencies occasioned by this prohibition. Additional issues of notes were further rendered expedient from the accumulation of taxes, and from a variety of local causes. The principle upon which the restriction was to be continued, appeared to him to be extremely simple. Its continuance was absolutely essential as long as the restriction continued in this country. Lord Henry Petty, on this occasion, delivered his first speech in parliament. He observed that the issues of paper by the bank of Ireland had been five times greater since the restriction than before this measure was adopted. The

issues of the bank of England, on the contrary, had increased, in proportion to the capital, only in the ratio of one-fifth beyond their extent before the act was passed. So extraordinary a circumstance demanded, in his opinion, the fullest inquiry. His lordship pro ceeded to remark, that the depre ciation of paper in Ireland was constantly increasing, and, as long as it existed, could not fail to be productive of the most serious consequences. The balance of trade must remain unfavourable to Ireland, as long as this depreciation continued, and merchants would be obliged to resort to the foreign market instead of the home manu. facture.. The present depreciation was not to be attributed to any circumstances relating to the commerce of the country for the last year; for the exports of Ireland had considerably exceeded the imports; but even if this were true, it was an evil inseparable from the continuance of the restriction. Since this measure was passed, the bank had increased its dividends one and a half per cent.; and he had been assured that this year they intended to give an additional bonus of five per cent. Under these circumstances, the bank had not only no motive to wish for the removal of the restriction, but found it their interest to extend the circulation of their paper currency. The measure which appeared to him best cal culated to prevent the growth of this evil was to compel the directors to curtail their issues of paper money, and thus force the private bankers to adopt a similar practice. At present the bank of Ireland had no control over the private bankers, of whom there were two in Dublin who issued paper to as great an amount as the whole of the paper