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"All being equal through the law, they must be brought up together and in the same manner. The law must regenerate . . . their studies. They must, at the very least, take part in public exercises, in horse-races, in games of strength and of agility."

"He who first enclosed a plot of ground, and took it into his head to say,This belongs to me,' and found people simple enough to believe him, was the true founder of civil society. What crimes, what wars, what murders, what misery, and what horrors would have been spared the human race if some one, pulling up the landmark and filling up the ditch, had cried out to his fellows: Be wary of that impostor, you are lost if you forget that no one has the right to the ground, and that its fruits are the property of all!"

"The deputies of the people are not, nor can they be, its representatives; they are simply its commissioners, and can establish no final compact. Every law not ratified by the people themselves is null and is no law."

The new "Heloise" of Rousseau was only let out of the public libraries for an hour at a time, and in 1788, Marat was to be heard reading the "Social Contract" of the same author in the streets of Paris to enthusiastic hearers.

e. From Helvetius and his Followers.

"In England, the people are respected; every citizen can take some part in the management of affairs, and authors are allowed to enlighten the public respecting its own interests."

Helvetius taught that all notions of duty and of virtue must be tested by their relation to the senses, that everything we have and everything we are, we owe to the external world. . . . Condillac, in his widely-read work on the "mind," asserts that "everything we know is the result of sensation . . . and that to nature we owe all of our knowledge."

"To preserve one's self, to be happy, is instinct, right, and duty."

"But, to be happy, contribute to the happiness of others: if

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you wish them to be useful to you, be useful to them. . . "Be good, because goodness links hearts together; be gentle, because gentleness wins affection; be citizens, because a country is necessary to ensure your safety and well-being."

f. From Taine.

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"A small temple to Friendship is erected in a park. A little altar to Benevolence is set up in a private closet. Dresses à la Jean Jacques Rousseau are worn analogous to the principles of that author. Headdresses are selected with puffs au sentiment, in which one may place the portrait of one's daughter, mother, canary, or dog, the whole garnished with the hair of one's father or intimate friend."

"The queen arranges a village for herself at the Trianon, where, dressed in a frock of white cambric muslin and a gauze neck-handkerchief, and with a straw hat, she fishes in the lake and sees her cows milked."

"The Duchess of Bourbon goes out early in the morning incognito to bestow alms, and to see the poor in their garrets."

"When a society-author reads his work in a drawing-room, fashion requires that the company should utter exclamations and sob."

"Bachaumont, in 1762, notices a deluge of pamphlets, tracts, and political discussions, a rage for arguing on financial and government matters." As the Revolution approaches, “agriculture, economy, reform, philosophy," writes Walpole, "are the style, even at the court." Another contemporary writes:

"The exiled parliaments are studying public rights at their sources, and conferring together on them."

STUDY ON THOUGHT AND FEELING UNDER "OLD RÉGIME."

What ideas were evidently abroad in regard to the relation between loyalty to the king and to religion? The relation between the king and the law? The king and property? What historic origin for each of these ideas? What faults do such ideas cultivate? What

reason for a severe censorship of men like Voltaire and Rousseau? How were their ideas and those of their contemporaries dangerous to the "Old Régime"? Was the feeling of the noble and rich for the poor a fashionable sentiment or a sincere sympathy? Prove it. What trace of English influence on French thought? Find other traces in the general history of the period. What thoroughly modern ideas do you find in these extracts? What ideas that are still considered dangerous? What excuse for these dangerous ideas to be found in the "Old Régime"? What facts prove the power of Voltaire? Of Kousseau? What spirit appears in the extracts from Rousseau? What do Helvetius and his followers make the foundation of right-doing? What danger in this?

In General. Why was thoughtfulness dangerous to the "Old Régime"? What great difficulties in the way of reform? What special difficulty in the peasant class? How did the badness of the French roads affect the ease of reform? In what ways did the people need Liberty, Fraternity, Equality? What force in the motto chosen for this study (p. 438)?

II. THE FIRST FRENCH REVOLUTION AND THE WARS OF NAPOLEON. STATES-GENERAL OF 1789 TO CON

GRESS OF VIENNA, 1815.

"For I the Lord thy God am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation.” — EXODUS.

"The mills of God grind slowly, but they grind exceeding small.”

Chief contemporary and original sources of history: the reports and the petitions of departments sent up to the States-General of 1789; files of the "Moniteur," the leading newspaper of Paris, and of other contemporary jour nals; private letters and diaries; state papers as before; official and private correspondence of Napoleon, Stein, Metternich and their official contemporaries; the Annual Register; contemporary literature.

Chief historians accessible in English, in general, as for D; special for the period, the histories of modern Europe, by Fyffe and Schlosser; histories of French Revolution, by Von Sybel, De Tocqueville, Mignet, Carlyle; Seeley's Life and Times of Stein, Lanfrey's Napoleon.

1. Chronological Summary of Leading Events,

1789-1799.

1789 to

1792.

The French government (Lewis XVI. and his ministers) being unable to raise money, and find- Sept. 21, ing itself in other difficulties, calls together the States-General; this assembly naming itself the National Assembly, demands the reform of many abuses, and takes an oath (Oath of the Tennis-court) not to separate until it has given France a new constitution; royal troops are collected near Paris, as the Parisians suspect, with the design of forcibly dissolving the assembly, or of coercing its measures. The citizens thereupon storm the Bastille, the royal prison where the government has long disposed at will of its enemies, and utterly destroy it; they form themselves into a "National Guard," under the command of Lafayette, in order to protect the National Assembly; other cities follow the example of Paris; the peasants in the provinces revolt against the nobles, recklessly burning and destroying, especially title-deeds of land and all papers relating to feudal tenure; many nobles leave the country (Emigrants); on the night of Aug. 4, 1789, the nobles in the Assembly surrender all their feudal rights and priv ileges. The Paris mob, accompanied by the national guard, compel the king and the National Assembly to come from Versailles to Paris; a constitution is offered to the king which demands that a representative assembly shall form part of the government; this assembly is to have the

power of making laws and voting taxes, and neither war nor peace are to be declared without its consent. The property of the clergy is confiscated to the use of the state, which in turn agrees to support them. The king accepts the constitution, but endeavors secretly to leave France. The Parisians, arresting him on the way, and suspecting him of an alliance with other European monarchs to put down the revolution by force of arms, bring the royal family back to Paris and set a close watch upon them.

Austria and Prussia now demand of France satisfaction for the German princes who have lost lands in Elsass and Lorraine through international treaties; satisfaction to the pope for the loss of Avignon, and the repression of revolutionary movements calculated to disturb other states. France answers by a declaration of war, and sends out three armies to the Rhine-frontier. Their ill-success is attributed to treachery at home; the king and the “emigrants" are believed to be the instigating cause of foreign attack and domestic failure. The mob thereupon storms the Tuileries, and imprisons the king (Aug. 10, 1792).

All resident nobles and all suspected of sympathizing either with king or emigrants are imprisoned or massacred (September massacres) by the Parisian mob, under the direction of Danton. These massacres include even constitutionalists who defend the constitution signed by Lewis XVI. Sept. 21, 1792, France is declared a REPUBLIC, and offers her aid to all peoples who wish to overthrow the "Old Régime."

Sept. 21, 1792, to

Owing to imprisonment, emigration, and massacre, the governing power falls largely into the hands of the Parisian mob and their armed support, that is, into the hands of men, poor, ignorant, and

July, 1793.

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