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period, or perhaps what was and is called the Irish Rebellion, might have been termed a glorious revolution! such is the perversion of names as events happen to change their course!-Lord E. Fitzgerald appears to have possessed a firm and ardent mind, and was perhaps of all others, the man best calculated to bring about what he conceived to be the emancipation of his country; or in other words, to wrest Ireland from the crown of England, and establish her as an independent republic. He had talents skilfully to plan the revolution of his country, and courage to perform the most conspicuous part in so dangerous an undertaking. He acted from the principle (however erroneous) of benefiting Ireland, and neither personal ambition nor self-aggrandisement appears to have influenced his motives.-But while we attribute so much disinterestedness to lord E. Fitzgerald, the same cannot be said of some of his fellow-laborers, or in plainer language, of Messrs. Arthur and Roger O'Connor. These gentlemen possess those traits of character neither in public nor private life, which were distinguishable in the nobleman just before mentioned. It may be said, however, that a man's private life has nothing to do with his public one; nevertheless, it will be found almost uniformly, that a degree of analogy exists in the two, and it must on all hands be allowed, that a good private character is a strong recommendation to a public office or trust. Epaminondas, Pelopidas, with most of the illustrious men of old, were as

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estimable in the social circle, as their public deeds were patriotic and brilliant :---even Julius Cesar, though a notorious debauchee, was extremely affable and generous---he was a great man; but it does not appear that nature had formed him for a tyrant, though he subverted the liberties of his country.--To say nothing of Roger O'Connor, it is evident that his brother eagerly anticipated and sought to bring about a revolution in his native country; and had he succeeded to the utmost of his wish, it is probable he would have ruled the deluded Irish with as stern a tyranny as marks the reign of his master, Napoleon Bonaparte.

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As to the unfortunate priest Coigley, who was arrested with Arthur O'Connor, &c. on his way to. France, and hanged at Maidstone, there appears something very mysterious---he protested his innocency to the last---whence it would appear that the treasonable paper, which cost the life of this ill-fated member of the Romish church, had found its way into his pocket by an unknown hand.

Finally---though the Irish rebellion was crushed, this unhappy country has by no means enjoyed that unruffled calm, which generally follows the dreadful conflicts of the elements.---The wounds of Ireland were deep---they were deceitfully healed over; but unless they are probed to the bottom and radically cured, they must burst forth anew with redoubled virulence.

CHAP. II.

Character of the French Republicans and Royalists. ---Conduct of the French in Switzerland.---Dissolution of its Constitution.---Their Conduct in Italy.---Deposition of the Pope.---Tyrannical Exercise of French Power on Continental Europe. ---Expedition to Egypt.---Capture of Malta.--Battle of the Nile.---Progress of Bonaparte in Egypt, &c.

THE early proceedings of the French revolution portended the destruction of despotic power in France; and certainly no event of modern times appeared half so well calculated for the general annihilation of tyranny: the winding up of the business, however, by Bonaparte (if the revolution be finished, which is by no means certain) is a circumstance ever to be deplored, as it has withered the germins of liberty, and shackled the European continent with the slavish fetters of a military despotism, more irksome and more prodigal of blood than has marked the periods of modern history. But even prior to the consummate power of Bonaparte, the French republicans evinced a disposition, incompatible with the genuine principles of enlightened freedom-if they enjoyed liberty themselves, they were unwilling to

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grant the delightful boon to the places they over-run. This conduct, while it became a powerful instrument in the hands of their enemies, may be traced to the same cause that produced the numerous executions at the lamp-post, and most or all the horrible murders which threw a dolorous gloom even over some of the brighter eras of the revolution, and which has been before pointed out in the former part of this work. If at some periods, we find the French revolutionists acting with a generous disinterestedness in the noblest cause under heaven, we find that, as if by instinct, the habits of centuries involuntarily returned, and they thus polluted themselves with the imitation of the actions of a court, at once the most splendid, the most tyrannical, and the most cruel in Christendom---such is the force of example and early impression. In 1798, we behold these sanguinary votaries of freedom adopting, at least an external policy, as unjust and arbitrary as that which rendered the reign of Louis XIV. so glorious in the estimation of absolute princes, and which afforded such rapturous subjects for the base flatterers of that contemptible, lascivious monarch. But the republican policy was more vigorous and extensive, and consequently more hateful-it was the effort of an irresistible power improperly and mischievously directed, while the misnamed glory of Louis XIV. was a tinsel exertion of fading monarchy, which was shook to pieces by the concussion of its own headlong impetus.

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