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porary opinions regarding social conditions in his own period, such as the insecurity of private property, the maladministration of justice, and the abused privileges of the clergy, all of which evils Edward I. strove to overcome.

One passage only we have space to quote, a picture of an old-time coronation in merry England, which forms an interesting contrast to that of Edward VII.

And so on.

When he was king, there might men see
The most joy that might be:

Butting with the sharp spears,

Skirming with talevas1 that men bear,

Wrestling with lads, putting of stone,
Harping and piping, full good won,2
Leyk of mimes of hasard ok,3
Romance-reading on the book;
There might men hear the gests sing,
The gleemen on the tabor ding;
There might men see the bulls bait,
And the boars with hounds teight.4

Every sort of "glee" might be seen; clothing and food were freely distributed; there were great banquets; wine flowed "so it were water of the sea." The feast lasted forty days.

Havelok has many comrades in romance-heroes of the "exile and return" type. The historical foundation of his story is exceedingly slight; but nevertheless it was taken seriously by chroniclers and others and served a political purpose. As early as about 1150 Gaimar introduces him into his History of the English as a notable figure. Confusing, or deliberately identifying, King Constantine III. of Scotland, actually the father-in-law of Olaf Cuaran, with the legendary Constantine, represented by Geoffrey as Arthur's nephew and successor, he pictured Havelok as reigning in the sixth century, a Danish

1 Skirmishing with large shields.
3 Also games of chance with dice.

2 In great quantity.

4 Lively (?).

ruler of England before the Saxon Conquest. Who was first responsible for this notion we cannot say; but once started, we may be sure it was fostered by the Anglo-Danes, who were naturally eager to establish a claim to legitimate control of the land. It seems likely, therefore, that the story of Havelok was developed in the time of Cnut, when it would not have seemed unreasonable for a Danish king to have held peaceful sway over Northumbria. Several references to the hero in unscientific chronicles of later England, even to the time of Caxton, show that the belief thus engendered had a long life.

The romances of Guy of Warwick and Beves of Hampton, of similar character, were two of the most popular in mediæval England. Written in French as early perhaps as the twelfth century, redacted in English about 1300, and frequently later, they remained current in varying form for five hundred years and more. Chaucer mentions the two in Sir Thopas, and from a version of Guy borrowed more of the phraseology of his parody than from any other " romance of prys." Puttenham in 1589 attests that Guy and Beves were popular then at "places of assembly where the company shall be desirous to hear of old adventures and valiances of noble knights in time past"; but these were not the castles of the land. He mentions the two among other works as "made purposely for recreation of the common people at Christmas dinners and bridals, and in taverns and alehouses and such places of base resort." Earlier, high and low joined more frequently at common gatherings, and the romances of Guy and Beves pleased all alike when read aloud. They were then, of course, very different in tone and form from the degenerate versions to which Puttenham refers-like splendid robes, cast off by their original owners, which, when torn or faded, become the treasures of the poor.

Guy of Warwick was celebrated as a national hero, one who by extraordinary strength and valour had saved Saxon England from foreign dominion; and the chief basis of this renown lay in the report of his successful combat with a giant Colbrand, who

fought as champion of the Danes. By Guy's single efforts the integrity of the kingdom was preserved. The account usually given of this, the central incident of his career, is as follows:

King Athelstan is besieged in his capital, Winchester, by the Danes, under their leader Anlaf. He must yield unless he can find some one to meet the defiant Colbrand's challenge. Athelstan prays for guidance, and is bidden by an angel to go early to the gates and secure an old palmer, whom he shall find there, to undertake the fight. This is Guy, who has returned home after a long pilgrimage to the Holy Land. The King induces him to meet the Danish champion. He and Anlaf (Havelok) agree that their rival claims shall be settled by the duel. The long struggle is described in detail. In the end, however, Colbrand is slain and the Danes withdraw. Athelstan's joy and gratitude know no bounds; but no offer of reward will induce Guy to remain. He makes his way secretly to his own castle at Warwick, and in disguise, along with other palmers, receives from his wife Felice the dole of food that she was wont piously to dispense. He establishes himself at an empty hermitage near by and is sent daily sustenance by the countess. When at last his approaching death is revealed to him, he summons his wife, discovers himself to her, and passes away in her arms. Very shortly after, she too dies, and is buried beside him.

This, the nucleus of the Guy legend, was at first perhaps independently treated (cf. the late Guy and Colbrand in the Percy MS.). It had possibly some historical foundation, but nevertheless appears now as legend. The combat of the two champions representing the Saxons and Danes resembles that of Tristram of Cornwall and Morhout of Ireland, Arthur of Britain and Flollo of France. The situation is interesting, and these the closing events of Guy's life might have been rendered highly impressive in the hands of a skilful poet. As a matter of fact, however, Guy of Warwick taken as a whole is wearisome: it is but a series of commonplace adventures stretched out to an unreasonable length. The general setting alone need occupy us

here:

Guy is the son of Sigard of Wallingford, steward of the Earl of Warwick. He falls in love with the earl's daughter, a haughty, "difficult " lady named Felice. She will only accept him on condition that he wins fame. Thus stimulated, he crosses the sea and distinguishes himself in many ways abroad.

Not, however, until he is reputed the most valiant knight in Christendom For a month after his marriage he enjoys great

his life has been ill-spent he Straightway he dons the garb His experiences are many and

does Felice become his wife. happiness, but then he begins to reflect that has fought for love of Felice and not for God. of a pilgrim and sets out to expiate his sins. varied. In the East he overcomes giants and brings succour to the distressed. Finally, after many years of wandering, he returns to England just in time to save his country from the Danes in the fight already described.

Guy, moreover, was provided with a son Reinbrun, for whom also was fashioned a suitable career. Guy, of course, is away from home when the boy is born. He is therefore given into the charge of a faithful friend, Heraud of Arden. But when only seven years old he is stolen away by merchants and carried to foreign lands. Heraud searches for him diligently, like Gouvernayl for Tristram. At last he and Reinbrun meet and fight together a hard fight, which ends by their embracing each other when Reinbrun reveals his name. Other reminiscent episodes, in great number, it would be distracting to enumerate. Our judgment on such tales as these does not coincide with that of our forefathers, who saw in the prolongation of the fanciful careers of heroes only a matter of congratulation.

We observe in these early English romances an epic tendency to grow into cycles. When a hero became popular, information was demanded regarding his ancestors and his descendants, and thus were linked together previously independent narratives, or new ones were concocted to prepare for and continue his famous Guy of Warwick apparently owed its amazing popularity to the qualities that it shares with the chansons de geste: it was at once belligerent, patriotic, and religious. That it was an inartistic conglomeration did not trouble much the medieval Philistines, who got from it "both pleasure and profit."

career.

The old English sagas sufferéd sadly by being made over in the style of the late chansons de geste. They lost their primitive realistic force and simplicity, and became extravagant, complicated, long-drawn-out, and dull. Even at their best they are not to be compared for charm with the tales of Britain. The heroes

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were too pugilistic; they had too little time for polite amenities. They were superstitious, fanatical, and fierce. Women they

disregarded except as their inferior helpmates. We miss the atmosphere of courtesy and refinement that characterises the British tales, where gentle ladies enter to "rain influence and adjudge the prize."

Beves of Hampton, though rather less popular than Guy at home, had far more vogue abroad. There are three metrical French versions of the story and one in prose. From France it passed into Italy, where six different versions remain. Redactions are also extant in Scandinavian, Dutch, Irish, Slavic, and modern Yiddish. The forms most interesting to us are the twelfthcentury Anglo-Norman chanson de geste (containing 3850 lines), and the Middle English romance written about 1300, on the basis perhaps of an earlier translation from the French. This latter, as preserved, combines two metres, the introduction being in tailrhyme strophe, while the main part of the poem (over 4000 lines) is in short couplets. This probably indicates the existence of two redactions; but in Guy the same situation confronts us, and the facts are not evident.

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Fundamentally, Beves was a viking tale of the tenth century, very like Horn; but in this case no early form of the story persisted, and it appears now completely transformed in the style of the Crusading epic that Horn only by good luck escaped. We have no room to trace Beves' robustious career and relate how he was done out of his rights for many a long day, but at last came to his own; how during the period of his probation he fought usurpers, traitors, culprits, rivals, dragons-any and every sort of opponent-always with the same self-confidence, fanaticism, and success. Many are the picturesque features of the narrative, but they are drowned in a flood of commonplace. The story had lost its simplicity: its topography was turned topsy-turvy, and its temper transformed by witless redactions before it reached its present shape. Yet the hero was popular for the same good reasons as Guy-his combative zeal, piety,

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