the noble lord and the Catholic Body. The noble lord had vindicated his own sincerity, and certainly he had good reason for undertaking that task-(a laugh). It was not surprising that he whose own country had loudly accused him of violating every public principle, should be anxious to defend himself from suspicion in this. As to his observations on the practical difficulties that attended the question, was he blind to them at the time of the Union? was he blind to them in 1801?-(hear!) Were were they to look for the evidence of the zeal he had professed for the interests of the Catholic clergy? Was it in his recent conduct in regard to the College of Maynooth? The clergy had, greatly to their credit, declined the favours of the noble lord, because the laity were not included in the proffered bounty. He could assure the noble lord that he should continue to ring the same tune in his ears so long as he sat in the same assembly with him, and his character remained marked, as it now was, by repeated pledges unredeemed, engagements forfeited, and by the dirty trafficing for seats in Parliament -means which he had not scrupled to use, and by which he had succeeded in depriving Ireland of her Parliament(Cries of Order! and Hear, hear!)

Mr. Martin, of Galway, said, the noble lord appeared to him to labour under no small degree of embarrassment and confusion, in supposing that any specification was necessary to enable the House to ascertain what the objects and claims of the Catholics were. They were fairly described in the prayer of their petitions, and it remained only for Government to consider and state the conditions on which they were willing to make the required concessions. It was at least as incumbent on the noble lord, and in his judgment a little more so, as it was upon the right honourable gentleman on whom the noble lord had called, to declare what were the terms and the mode on which he was willing to agree to that emancipation which he declared was so desirable. (Hear, hear, hear!) It seemed to him to be peculiarly the duty of the noble lord himself to shew his hand, and produce his game, considering his situation. He certainly would give his support to the motion, and hoped that the result of it would be an arrangement that should comprehend other talents and character, as well as those which were to be met with in the documents that day published.

Mr. Wortley, in reply, said, he had seldom heard in that

House a speech containing so many unconstitutional assertions, as had been delivered that night by the honourable Member for Yorkshire-(hear, hear!) For himself he would say, that he had taken particular care not to pledge himself to oppos", or support, this or that Government. He thought the noble lord (Castlereagh) had failed to prove that all had been which ought to have been done, to form an efficient Administration.-The House then divided:

For the previous question
Against it

Majority against Ministers

170

174

4

The motion of Mr. Wortley was then proposed, and carried without a division.

Another motion was afterwards read from the Chair, that the Resolution of the House be laid before his royal highness the Prince Regent, by such Members of the House as were of the Privy Council.-The House divided on this question:

For the Motion

Against it

Majority

174

176

4

While the Opposition Members were in the lobby, Mr. Ponsonby addressed them, requesting them not to go away immediately after the division, as other questions would probably be brought forward, and entreating as full an attendance as possible to-morrow, when it was very probable that Ministers might move for the rescinding of the Resolution from the Journals of the House.

Mr. Wortley animadverted upon the proceedings of the House, in having first voted an Address, and then refusing to send it up to the Prince Regent.—(Hear, hear!)

Admiral Harvey rose to say that he voted in the majority upon both questions, and was proceeding to shew the constitutional grounds on which he had acted, but was called to order by the Speaker, who informed him that there was no question before the House.

Mr. Whitbread said, that the House of Commons had now placed itself in a most extraordinary situation. An honourable friend of his had moved an Address which was carried, when the noble lord moved an Amendment(No, no! from the Treasury benches)-then, continued Mr. Whitbread, the Amendment he intended to move was

the one which he had voted against. What was the reason assigned for the proceedings they had witnessed? That on the first division many Members were absent wh intended to vote with the Ministers that was, that many Members had neglected their duty, had been absent during the debate, but were prepared to come down and vote upon the question notwithstanding—(hear, hear!) On the second division, some of his (Mr. Wnitbread's) friends, who had been present during the whole discussion, struck with the impropriety of the measure, had gone out, while some of the Minister's friends had come in, and thus they obtained a division. But how far was this to go? Were they, before they came to a division, to run about and to inquire of all Members who were absent, which way they intended to vote? or would the constitutional Members-(loud cheering) -would they so far lower the House in the estimation of the country, would they so far degrade it in the eyes even of the Administration, as to leave them virtually in possession of this vote, and in the manner in which it had been effected? He (Mr. Whitbread) once voted in that House when the numbers were equal, and when the Speaker decided the question by his voice. Before be made his motion, he should appeal to the Chair to know in what way an Address could be carried to the Throne?

The Speaker replied, that he knew of but two ways, one by Privy Councillors, the other by the whole House: the first had been negatived, the second yet remained to be de cided.

Mr. Wynne proposed that the Address should be carried up by the honourable mover and seconder, Mr. Wortley and Lord Milton; which, after a few words from the Speaker, Lord Castlereagh, and Mr. Wortley, was agreed to without a division.-Adjourned.

TENANTRY AND PEASANTRY OF IRELAND.

Earl Stanhope (the House not sitting next Friday) proposed to postpone the commitment of his Bill relative to the Tenantry and Peasantry of Ireland till Monday se'n

night; but on the suggestion of the Duke of Norfolk, that there was a grand ceremony to take place on that day (the Installation of the Knights of the Bath), his lordship proposed Wednesday se'nnight; and the order for summoning the Lords for Friday next was discharged, and renewed for Wednesday se'nnight.-Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

FRIDAY, MAY 22.

ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE REGENT.

Mr. Stewart Wortley appeared at the Bar, and stated, that in pursuance of the order of the House, he and Lord Milton, the seconder of the motion, had waited on the Prince Regent this day, and had communicated to him the Address of the House of yesterday; to which his Royal Highness had been pleased to return this most gracious ́answer: "I shall take into my serious and immediate consideration the Address of the House of Commons."

SIR J. CRAIG AND CAPTAIN HENRY.

Mr. Whitbread wished to know whether it was the fixed determination of the noble lord opposite (Castlereagh) to resist the motion of which he had given notice, for the production of the Correspondence between Sir James Craig and Henry, or not?

Lord Castlereagh said, it surely would be his wish to resist its production.

ORDERS IN COUNCIL.

Mr. Brougham said, perceiving a right hon. gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade, in his place, he rose to make a motion which he presumed would not be opposed. He begged leave at the same time to put a question to a noble lord opposite, on a point which he conceived to be of primary necessity, and to which he presumed the noble lord would not refuse an answer, for the satisfaction of that House and of the country. A circumstance had lately transpired, affecting in a material degree, in the apprehension of many, the Declaration published about six or eight weeks ago by this Government, in which it is stated that

the Orders in Council shall be understood to be ipso facto annulled, as soon as an official communication shall have been received of the unqualified and unconditional repeal of the Berlin and Milan Decrees. After some weeks had elapsed, in a manner, he confessed, unintelligible to him who was acquainted with the diplomacy of the French Court, a Decree had made its appearance of a pretty old date, which indeed, but for its date, might seem to be an answer to that very Declaration of this Government. It must seem, indeed, surprising how completely they had anticipated the terms of that Declaration. This Decree, however, dated in April 1811, did contain a revocation of the Berlin and Milan Decrees; and our Declaration did also bear, that our Orders in Council were to be discontinued from the period of the repeal of the Berlin and Milan Decrees. The latter did no doubt contemplate a subsequent repeal, but still this was clearly within the spirit, though not within the words of the Declaration, and it would only require a Gazette Proclamation to set things to rights. It was clearly not an object of consideration when the Berlin and Milan Decrees were revoked, but only that an official, unqualified, and unconditional revocation of them should take place. Then the next question was, whether the Decree which was stated to have been lately communicated to this Government, was such an unqualified and uncondi tional repeal of the enemy's Decrees, as made our Declaration attach to the effect of repealing our Orders in Council? (Hear, hear! from the Ministerial side.) Was he to understand, then, that it did not so attach? The repeal of the French Decrees, it appeared, was confined to America: was this, however, to be held as sufficient to prevent our Declaration from taking effect? This was what he wished to know from the noble lord. He heartily wished the noble lord's answer might be such as the House and the country wished; that was, that it might import compliance with the expectation now expressed by him: but if this should not fortunately be the case, still there was a necessity for some further step being taken on the part of the Government of this country. He meant that a publication of the annulment of those Orders in Council would become neceɛsary. If this was not done, then must every individual case come into a Prize Court, or into a Court of Law, and the parties be exposed to a barrassing and expensive litigation. It was with the view of intreating to take this into VOL. III.-1812.

S