calamitous consequences which the last three weeks were calculated to produce on our foreign and domestic relations. For although the sentiments manifested in the various negociations had been honourable to all parties, be could not help thinking that the mode which seemed to be in practice in modern times, in forming an Administration, was most injurious, and might be fatal to the interests of the country. Never, in ancient times, had a negociation between public men been exhibited to the eye of Parliament and the country at large, and exposed to all the invidious comments which the malignity and the ignorance of mankind passed upon them. For his part he could never argue well of any negociation in which two men could not approach each other in a private room, although on public principles, without coming armed with pen and ink, and prepared to allow every thing they might utter to go forth immediately for the judgment of the public. After the termination of such a negociation, it had been common for something of the proceedings to be made public, but never till of late had it been the practice of those who were forming an Administration to submit their propositions and intentions to the public while yet they were but in process. The consequences of such conduct, as developed in the present instance, would, he trusted, have the effect of preventing the recurrence of such scenes for the time to come. He had now to speak to that part of the late transactions with which he was connected. He had waited on his Royal Highness on the night of the 21st, to report to him the proceedings in Parliament, previous to his Majesty's Ministers giving their advice on the subject of that vote: and from that night, till he and his colleagues were recalled to their offices, excepting in the circle at the levee, he had never seen the Prince. He had only been connected with the negociations when the Marquis of Wellesley invited the Members of the late Cabinet to form an Administration. It was a painful task for him to speak on this subject, but he disclaimed every thing like personal animosity to the noble marquis. He trusted it was not necessary to go through the whole of the detail, as the circumstances must be fresh in the memory of the House. The paper which had been published, he understood to have been published without the consent of the noble marquis; but after such a paper had appeared, describing the late Minister and those who had acted with him, as the paper to which he alluded did, he would put it to the House if gentlemen situated as were his colleagues, could without degradation meet such a proposition in any other way than in which it had been met-Hear, hear!) For the noble marquis he felt the sincerest respect, with the highest admiration for his accomplishments and his talents; all be felt in this respect was heightened by the consideration that he was the brother of the greatest soldier this country had produced-(hear !)— It was therefore a peculiarly painful task for him to be called upon to decide on such a question as the propositions of the noble marquis brought before him; but the feelings of his colleagues were naturally such, that but one answer could be given. This he (Lord Castlereagh) felt, and though he was not included in this description, yet the description given of his colleagues being unjust and inaccurate, according to his ideas, as, instead of those he acted with being persons who were incapable of rendering their country any service, he conceived them to be gentlemen eminently calculated to extricate from its difliculties with honour; and feeling this, he must have abandoned every sense of duty if he had not been anxious to repel the charge. It was under these circumstances that the answer given had been returned to the Marquis of Wellesley; but that the proposition which he had made had been rejected with any thing of personal animosity, was an idea which he trusted the House and the country would dismiss altogether. Such an idea was now, he trusted, dismissed from the breast of the noble marquis himself, for as he (the marquis) had declared that he would never again, under any circumstances, serve under his departed friend, Mr. Perceval, as well might he (Lord C.) accuse the noble marquis of having cherished a feeling of animosity against that illustrious character, as he (the marquis) could accuse him (Lord C.) and his colleagues of such a feeling from their recent conduct. No feeling was more absent from their mind, nor more abhorrent to their nature than a feeling like that which he had described on such an occasion. With respect to the late negociations he would say, that if there were in the first instance difficulties in forming an Administration, those difficulties were always removed, if the negcciations under the eye of Parliament, or of the public, were exposed in their progress to the observations of the critic. Parliament had no reason to be afraid of such negociations being privately carried on, as it would always be wiser for them to act on their public conduct, than to interfere, as they had done, in the present instance. He declared, in the English history, a proceeding so sudden, with so short a notice, was not to be found, as that which they had lately seen, when the House decided, not against a Government who, by their own immediate and direct conduct, had proved themselves unworthy of confidence, but against an Administration of which the formation was but in progress. He hoped their conduct in this instance would form a precedent which future Parliaments would never follow. A great deal had been said of the unconstitutional conduct of the Administration, in stating that each Member of the Cabinet would be left to act in his individual character on the Catholic question; but really he did not see that there was any ground for all the horror expressed by his right hon. friend and the gentlemen opposite. The gentlemen opposite ought not to be so much struck with it, as, if they looked a little closer into it, they would find reason to complain that it was a plagiarism on their own conduct. At the end of Lord Grenville's Administration, though the Catholic question was a Cabinet measure, it was determined that each individual should act in his individual capacity, and he hoped the present Government might be sheltered under the wing of such a precedent from the charge of venturing upon new principles. For himself he felt perfectly at liberty to take any Course on the Catholic question which his judgment might dictate, and he had no hesitation in saying he should be willing to go into a discussion on that subject with any man in or out of that House, that seemed to promise to lead to any practical and beneficial result. Adverting to the point on which the last negociation, that of the Earl of Moira, had broken off, he would say, though he would be the last man to impute any thing of disrespect to the Crown on the part of either of the noble lords, that that for which they had contended, though he would never say that it ought to be placed on any footing distant from other political arrangements, had never been contended for as in the present instance, prior to the discussion of the other arrangements. It was clear Lord Moira had understood this to be a subject of after-consideration, as he had declared "that it was impossible for him to concur in making the exercise of power over the Household Officers a positive and indispensible con dition in the formation of a Government." It had unfortu nately been taken up in a tone of harshness which the country would never countenance in those who approached the Throne. The noble lord concluded a most animated speech by recurring to the situation and views of the new Government, in the following terms: "And now, all I have to say for Ministers is, they claim the constitutional support of Parliament till their actions seem to speak them unworthy of it, and though the present Government may not possess within itself all those attributes which we have heard given to broad and extended Administrations, they have at least one recommendation to public confidence (and it is not a small one), that they have no disunion among themselves. We have no private ends to answer; we are all anxious to serve our country, to do our best, and to submit our conduct to the judgment of Parliament"-Hear, hear, hear!) Mr. Wortley said he was convinced, that if this Ministry had not been strangled in its birth, it would have died a natural death in three weeks. The noble lord was therefore obliged to him for his present seat and to the events of that period, for the turn in the tide of public affairs which had certainly taken place in their favour. He confessed that the arguments urged by Mr. Ponsonby and Mr. Tierney, in behalf of their noble friends, had not carried conviction to his mind. These noble lords had not acted the part he should have expected. He would not press his motion to a division, as both sides of the House were against him, but vote for the amendment of Lord Milton, as he did not think all that might have been had been done to form an efficient Government. After frequent and reiterated cries of Withdraw! Mr. Wortley said, that although it was not his intention to divide the House, he by no means intended to withdraw his motion. Mr. Huskisson endeavoured to enter into some explanation of the circumstances attending the negociation, but he was so incessantly interrupted by the impatience of the House, which was expressed by continual cries of Question! that he could not be heard. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. The House then divided on Lord Milton's Amendment, Lord Folkestone's having been negatived without a divi sion. Majority in favour of Ministers 164 289 125 Mr. Wortley's motion was then put and negatived. HOUSE OF LORDS. FRIDAY, JUNE 12. The House met about two o'clock. The Marquis of Hertford (Lord Chamberlain), announced the appointment of Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, Knight, to the office of Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod; and Sir Thomas was introduced to the Usher's seat. The House adjourned during pleasure, and assembled again about a quarter before four, when it resolved itself into a Committee on the Orders in Council. Joseph Marryatt, Esq. M. P. was examined till about a quarter past five, when the House resumed, and the Committee was appointed to sit again on Monday, at two o'clock. The Duke of Athol moved the third reading of the Edinburgh Police Bill, in which a conversation of some length took place. Marquis Douglas stated several objections to proceeding now in the Bill, and moved to postpone the third reading for three weeks. This motion was opposed by the Duke of Athol and the Earl of Morton, and supported by the Earl of Lauderdale. The Lord Chancellor suggested some doubts respecting the rights of the Crown. After some further conversation the House divided, Contents Non-Contents Majority 12 2 10 The Bill was then read a third time and passed. |