which has been stated to exist, I wish to say a few words. I have little or no acquaintance with the Marquis of Hertford; and I have been only twice in his house in the whole course of my life. One of the times was the period of Mr. Fox's death; and the other time was on the occasion of the marchioness's party. Had I been intimate at Man, chester-square, I should not have been shy of at once openly avowing it. But with respect to the Vice-Chamberlain, I have been in the continual habit of meeting with him; but I believe no two men who have been so often together ever conversed less on political subjects than my noble friend and myself. And now having shovelled way a great part of that rubbish of secret influence, about which so much has been said, I shall advert to what has been said in this House on a late occasion. My noble friend opposite has described me as a principal person in carrying on this negociation. I will at once state to the House how far I merit the character of a negociator, which has been thus bestowed on me. If I had put on a grave reserve, and pretended an ignorance of all that was going on, I should have been guilty of the most coxcombical affectation. But how did I happen to know it? Did I know it from Carlton House? By no means. But I knew it from the Marquis Wellesley, who called in his carriage on me at my own house, in the face of day, for the purpose of shewing me the written terms which he proposed to offer. I knew by the noble marquis coming again to me about an hour afterwards, offering me a situation in his arrangements, when he received from me a most disin terested denial of accepting of any official situation. I knew afterwards from a noble earl, whom I shall always love and honour for his worth, his greatness of mind, his nobleness of disposition, for every thing which is the boast and pride of man, I mean the Earl of Moira. The publication charges me with artful and insidious attempts, which the writer, however, very sillily and weakly supports. I do assert that the whole is not only a most gross and audacious falsehood, but I say that my conduct has been directly the contrary of what is here imputed to me. No man ever laboured more to remove the prejudices which were entertained, and to conciliate goodwill to the illustrious gentleman, than myself. I appeal for the truth of what I assert, to what consists with the knowledge of my worthy friend, the honourable gentleman who now sits beside me (Mr. Whitbread). I shall now," continued the right honourable Member, "pass

*

to that which has been most dwelt upon as the grand charge against me, that of a supposed conversation between me and a noble lord-a conversation,presumed to be confirmed by the five thousand guineas bet of my right honourable friend, to which I shall pay my respects by and bye-(a laugh). In adverting to this subject, I mean to abstain wholly from the question of the merits or the demerits of my Lords Grey and Grenville, in the stand which they thought it necessary to make against the Household. That will be discussed in another place; but I could not help thinking, like every other man forming an opinion upon it, and that opinion was decidedly this-tableat a moment like the present, when all the great points We conceded to them, when they had an opportunity of saving the country, perhaps, when the great point of all, and that which must ever be nearest to my heart, I mean the Catholics of Ireland, was at their disposal when they might probably have rescued us from a war with America when they might have pursued successfully the object ofeconomical reform, and when too they would have had an opportunity of quieting the differences that now distract the country-I did not think it possible they could set up against such opportunities of public good, and incalculable service, that they wanted three white sticks removed! (a laugh). Such was my opinion and was my opinion concealed? No! I understood that it was likely such a stand would be made by the noble lords, and I had my opinions conveyed to them through the only channel by which I was sure they would be temperately and candidly communicated, I mean by Lord Kinnaird. There was this distinction, too, drawn by some persons, that there were many who might regret the pledge given by the noble lords, but that being given, it was impossible they could act otherwise than they did. On that subject I will not say a word. Lord Grey is, and ought to be, the guardian of his own. honour, and must best know what belongs to the preservation of that honour. I was sorry that such a pledge had been given, yet I hoped it might be obviated. I always thought, indeed, that the report of it had been exaggerated; but it has been since related to me in a way that leaves me no room for doubt upon the subject. I should be sorry if the question were put to me, whether a friend of mine, having given a pledge of that description, could evade it; but were I pressed upon it, I should certainly say that he could not, without great difficulty, maintain his honour and not redeem his pledge. Such' were my opinions,

and I certainly did say to an old friend of mine what I had heard, that if certain persons came into Administration they should feel themselves bound to resign; but I disliked as much the idea of the Household resigning upon the forma tion of a new Cabinet, as I did that of a new Cabinet conditioning for the exclusion of the Household. I had nothing to do but to express my disapprobation to the noble lord, and there it ended."-[During the latter part of his speech, Mr. Sheridan exhibited evident symptoms of illness, and here he was wholly unable to proceed. Several Members called out, "sit down-sit down,"-which he did; a smelling-bottle was handed to him, and glass of water procured. After a pause for a few mts he resumed.]— "I had this frank conversation witle noble lord; and I did state to him, that I thought they were committing the same fault as the projected Cabinet itself, because of the imputation which their resignation would necessarily cast upon their Government."-[Here Mr. Sheridan became again unable to proceed, so as to be intelligible, and he sat down. But we understood him to say, that in the last conversation which he had with the noble lord, he admitted that they were right after all, in their determination. After a pause of a few moments, Mr. Jekyll rose, and proposed, that as Mr. Sheridan was so extremely indisposed, the business should be postponed, and Friday next was accordingly fixed for its being resumed.]

SINECURE BILL.

Mr. Bankes's Sinecure Bill was read a third time and passed, after a few observations from Mr. W. Wynne.

BARRACKS.

The Hon. Mr. Ward rose to inquire, before he renewed his notice upon the erection of the Mary-le-bone Barracks, whether it was still the intention of Government to carry the plan into execution?

Mr. Wharton said they did not; that their erection was postponed till further information could be obtained upon the subject.-(Loud and repeated chears from the Opposition.)

Mr. Ward then withdrew his notice.

Mr. Brougham asked, whether it was intended to go on with the erection of the Liverpool and Bristol Barracks?

Mr. Wharton replied, that they also were given up for the present, till further information was procured upon the subject (Loud chearing).

BUDGET-COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MEANS.

Mr. Vansillart said, he could not rise to address the House without feeling a painful sensation, when he considered in whose place he stood, whose duties he had to perform, and whose papers he held in his hand. Happy had it been if that lamented individual had lived to do what he was then going to attempt, but happier than all it would be, if he should be able to imitate his unblemished integrity -Hear, hear!) When the House recollected the very short time which had occurred since the place he then oc cupied had been confided to his unworthy hands, they would be prepared to expect that he had taken the system of his departed friend exactly as he had found it, except in a very few instances, which he should specify when he arrived at them. He begged, theretore, it might be distinctly understood, that he was now bringing before them the Budget of his lamented friend; and he should proceed to state, as briefly and as intelligibly as his faculties would permit him, the charges for the current year; charges, heavy indeed, but which, he was happy to say, were not beyond the re sources of the country. Much of what would be required, indeed, had been already voted by that House, but he should go through the whole in detail.-The Naval Supplies had amounted to above 19,700,000l. exclusively of the Extraordinaries. The Army, including the Barrack and Commissariat departments, to 14,577,000l. In the estimates that had passed through the House, 90,000l. more were included, but those 90,000l. were struck off, in consequence of the erection of the barracks being suspended for the present (Hear, hear!) Upon the propriety or impropriety of that measure, he desired to be understood as giving no opinion; but the Treasury did not feel itself justified in becoming responsible for the sums necessary, without a fuller comprehension of the plans. At a future period he should, perhaps, have to call upon the House to vote that sum, when such information had been obtained as was deemed requisite. In the Army Extraordinaries there were 2,500,000/ being the amount unprovided for last year, besides which 5,000,000ï. were required for the current year, of which 2,000,000/ were VOL. III.-1812. 25

for Ireland. It being intended to provide as large an establishment this year as last, and 5,000,000l. being required for the last year, the same sum was now to be raised. Of the Miscellaneous Estimates a great part had been already voted, but there were some which yet remained to be brought forward. They amounted to about 6,600,000l. and besides that sum, a vote of credit as liberal as that of last year would be required; 3,000,000l. for England, 200,0001. for Ireland, 400,000/. for the service of Sicily, and 2,000,000l. for the Prince Regent of Portugal. The total charge for the United Kingdoms would amount to 62,000,000l. leaving to be provided for, by Great Britain alone, 59,350,000l. This charge, an enormous one he was ready to admit, it was proposed to meet in the following manner:-Annual Duties, 3,000,000l.; by the surplus of the Consolidated Fund, 3,600,000l.; produce of the War Taxes, including the whole of the Property Tax, 20,400,000/.; Lottery, 300,000l.; by a Loan in the 5 per cents., 6,789,000l.; by Exchequer Bills, issued upon the Vote of Credit, 3,000,000l.; amount of Exchequer Bills funded, 5,400,000l.; amount of old Naval Stores sold last year, pursuant to an Act of Parliament, which was to be attributed to the labours of the Finance Committee, 441,000/.; 2,209,000l. being the surplus of the Ways and Means voted last year, and the Loan which had been subscribed for that day 15,650.000. The right honourable gentleman then entered into a minute statement of the amount of the various branches of the revenue during the last year. The total of the Consolidated Fund, including the Customs, Excise, &c.was 37,263,000l. to which was to be added the produce of the Permanent and War Taxes. The estimated produce of the War Taxes for the present year, calculated upon an average of the last three years, would amount to 10,410,000l. which, together with the arrears of the Property Tax, would form a sum of 20,400,000l. He was aware that an objection might probably be stated to the basis of this estimate, as it was generally apprehended that this part of the revenue was in a state of decline. It had certainly undergone a considerable decrease in the quarter ending October last. It had fallen off in the sum of 411,000l. In the following quarter, however, it exceeded the former produce 31,000l.; and in the last experienced a much larger rise. The Exchequer Bills already funded in the 5 per cents., amounting to rather more than 12,000,000l. would, inorder