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fact, that whatever misapprehension may have arisen in the public mind upon my conduct, there has been none between me and the noble lord, I shall hasten to the assertion of my right honourable friend, that I utterly disbelieved any such resignation as that of the Household was in contemplation ; and that in addition, as a clencher, I offered to make a bet with him-(Here Mr. Tierney said no, it was not with him.)— Well then, that I offered to make a bet with somebody, or with any body-(a laugh-of five hundred guineas upon the subject. Now, Sir, there is something unlikely upon the face of this story, of this offer of mine to bet with him, with every body, or with any body I, who never bet with any body, nor ever play for a single guinea. I wish he had said that I offered to stake the money, and then I am sure nobody would have believed it. -(Loud laughter from all sides)--However, I'll not cavil about it: I'll give him this 5001. bet, that is, I'll not give him the money, but I'll give him the bet--(laughter)—at the same time, if every loose word that is uttered at the moment-as for example-a friend says to me, the Household are going to resign-I reply, I'll bet you five hundred guineas they do not—if every casual expression like that is to be brought down to the House, and made a subject of grave accusation-(hear, hear!)-1 protest I shall take care how I answer to a friend who meets me in St. James's-street, and says, How do you do?(a laugh)-I'll take three minutes to consider of my reply; and even then shall be shy of answering, unless a witness is by who can minute down my words, exactly as they fall from my lips-(laughter.) However, I will concede to him the fact, that I did say, I'll bet you five hundred pounds the Household will not resign-five shillings would have been more likely-(@ laugh)---but why did I say it? My right honourable friend said to me, I hear the Household are going to resign ; I repaid, I did not believe it. And why did I not believe it ? I had never heard a syllable about the intention of the Hlousebold, till the noble lord himself told it to me; and when my right honourable friend spoke to me I knew that resignation was contingent upon a circumstance whici, at the moment of the bet, was more remote from taking place than ever. Is that an intelligible answer ? But now, having answered bim, let me ask a question, in my turn, of the right bonourable gentleman. Did I not express iny surprise to him, that any thing could bave arisen the place of Mr. Canning; and he told me that Lord Liverpool was appointed Prime Minister. Now, Sir, I wish to offer a few words upon what I said the other night, that if my advice had been followed, not one of the right honour. able and honourable gentlemen opposite would be sitting in their places. I hope they did not consider that as springing from any personal animosity towards them : I protest to God, it was no such thing, for I have a personal respect and esteem for them all-neither was I influenced by the vote of this House, by which they had, as it were, been cashiered. My objection to them was, that they were avowedly arrayed and embodied against a principle, that of concession to the Catholics of Ireland, which, I think, and must always think, essential to the safety of this empire(Hear, hear!) I will never give my vote to any Administration that opposes the question of Catholic Emancipation; I will not consent to receive a furlough upon that particular question, even though a Ministry were carrying every other that I wished. I could wish to see negociation entered upon with fairness and sincerity towards the Catholics, with concessions on both sides, so as to make it popular in this country, and that no alarm may be created.

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am not one of those who would grant absolute unconditional concession to the Catholics ; let proper guards and securities be provided, and let negociation be commenced with them upon a basis of sincerity ; but my doubt is, that this negociation cannot be carried on by those who, in their hearts, are liostile to the cause. Proposals from such will never be adequately received by the Catholics ; but if they proceeded from persons, whose intentions they knew to be fair and open, without any trick or fraud, then we should see them met with corresponding fairness and integrity." Mr. Sheridan assured tbe right honourable gentlemen op posite, that in using the expression alluded to, he had meant no disrespect or incivility to them. He addressed himself more particularly to the noble lord (Castlereagh), and trusted that he would agree with him, that the sooner the claims of the Irish Catholics could now be granted the better. When it was seen that Ministers were giving up other ibings to which they were as much pledged as they bad ever been 10 resistance to the Catholic claims-that they had conceded the point relative to the Barracks that they had agreed to a suspension of the Orders in Councilwlien they were seen to have yielded in these respects, he hoped they would not make the Catholic question the only exception, but would give it up also. If the noble lord and his colleagues were content to do all the paltry and minute business of office, and to adopt all the suggestions of those who were generally described as their opponents, he confessed that he, for one, could not figure a more complete coalition. It was impossible that his right honourable friends on the side of the House on which he sat could object to such a mode of proceeding; and the country must surely, at length, confess, that they had got a most broad-bottomed Administration. Wben gentlemen talked of a strong and vigorous Administration, he conceived that they must mean an Administration composed of men who drew together, and concurred in great leading principles; but when an Administration was composed of persons who entertained contradictory opinions, however able the individuals might be, he could not look for strength or public confidence in such an Administration. He did not like coalitions between men of conflicting opinions. Looking to a man whom he loved more than he had ever loved, or ever could love any other political character ---one of the greatest and best men this country had ever seen, and whose loss the country had now so much cause to deplore-he meant Mr. Fox; he could not but regre: more than any other act of that honourable gentleman's life, his coalition with Lord North, believing, as he did, that the mind of the country had never recovered from that shock, as far as his right honourable friend was concerned. He was of opinion that another coalition, which it was attempted to bring about between the same right honourable gentleman and another of bis political opponents (Mr. Pitt), would also have done much mischief; and impressed with this idea, he had done all in his power to support the noble lord (Sidmouth) against their united attacks. He had done so, from finding all the measures and conduct of that noble lord, and from what he had uniformly observed in him, that he was impressed with a conviction of doing right-ra laugh.) -He was sorry to see what he had said as to this noble lord received with a sneer. The noble lord alluded to had done more to re-establish the finances--more to increase the force of the country—and more to revivify the constitution, then in a most exhausted state, than any Minister we had had for many years-(a laugh.) He should like to hear wbat he stated disproved rather than answered by a sneer. la speaking of the formation of the Administration, he could not help remarking, that the House of Commons on one day, by a majority of two, found that the then Administration was not fit, and then, on a subsequent day, declared their competency by a majority of 125 ; yet these Ministers had, during the interval, acquired no new strength. To what then could he attribute this change of sentiment, if it was not owing to the House and the country being against the conduct of those with whom the negociation had been going on? He thought the House might have been satisfied with one vote on such a subject. Even one interference in a question of that kind was a strong measure. There was but a thin partition between negativing and nominating in such cases as those, and he thought that the second attempt had, too, the appearance of the wish to usurp the power of nominating to the Prince Regent the individual persons who sbould be his Ministers. He felt regret that the negociation for the formation of an efficient Administration, comprehending the two noble lords alluded to, had failed; but when it had so failed, be did wish that an attempt had been made to form an Administration without them, and still without resorting to the former men. This, he thought, might have been done by bringing forward something fresh and new; and he could not but think that it was a libel on the public, that it was lowering the country, to bold that there was nothing but those two parties from which an Administration could be formed. He regretted that no negociation of this kind could be carried on without the two parties thinking that they were set against each other, and that the communications which passed on the subject must all be submitted to the public. Such publications were to the disadvantage of this country, and to the encouragement of the enemy. He wished an embargo could be laid upon them, so that they migbt not get abroad, and that it might not appear, at a period when we ought to be united against the enemy, that we were so employed. He concluded by moving an humble Address to the Prince Regent, praying that he would be pleased to order that there be laid before the House such official documents as had been laid before bis Royal Higbness relative to the formation of a new Administration, in consequence of the Address of the House, as far as his Royal Highness was of opinion they might with propriety be laid before Parliament.

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Lord R. Seymour stated, that not only were his noble relatives and himself determined to have resigned their situ

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