ductive of no advantage at this late period of the session, and which could only produce dissention. The proposition of Mr. Canning might be termed a motion of concord; almost an universal expression by the House of Commons, that the wishes of the Protestants and Catholics should be considered, and such relief afforded as was consistent with the safety of the Church: a conciliatory adjustment was the object which every friend to Ireland had in view. By this resolution of concord, the House voted the nation one people; it was a declaration by the people of Great Britain of cordiality and affection to their brethren of Ireland(Hear, hear!) Such a generous procceding could not fail of producing a corresponding effect on the minds of the natives of that island. The natural change of opinion upon this great topic, had been produced by several causes: First, By repeated discussions in Parliament. Secondly, By the death of Mr. Perceval. Thirdly, By the determination expressed in a high quarter to favour the claims. Fourthly, By the strong minorities procured on recent occasions in support of an accommodation by which the Protestants should shake hands with the Catholics of Ireland. That events might produce such variations, was proved satisfactorily by reference to transactions in the Irish Parliament, in which he bore a share, where, in one session, he was seconded only by 25 Members in the cause now on the verge of success, and in the next was supported in his motion by the unani mous vote of the House. The truth was, that the times had changed, and what appeared on the first view dangers, on future inspection proved only to be unreal chimeras. He wished the House, however, to remember that in acceding to a motion for the consideration of the claims of the Catholics, it made itself responsible for the failure of the proceeding, should such failure unfortunately occur; he there fore intreated that Ministers, on the one hand, would not demand any unnecessary securities, and that the Catholics, on the other, would not oppose any frivolous objections→→→ (Hear, hear, hear!) His anxious wish was, that those who from frequent communication with the Catholic body, were best acquainted with the subject, should be called to the aid of the Ministers for the purpose of carrying the object into effect, and not of continuing the disputes, the bitter fruits of which were every day tasted. It was his intention, during the next session, to propose a Committee, to prepare a Bill for the removal of the existing penal laws, but he should

much prefer to see the matter conducted by the Cabinet, whose exertions in the cause he would willingly and strenuously second.

Lord Castlereagh expressed his high admiration of the generous tone in which the right honourable gentleman who spoke last had treated the question. The vote his lordship should give upon the present occasion, would subject him to the censure which an honourable Member had bestowed upon those whom circumstances had compelled to give a vote different from that which on former occasions they had recorded. The principles of toleration which he had professed throughout his political life, had consequently induced the opinion. in his mind, that at some time or other the Claims of the Catholics must and ought to be conceded, and perhaps that he might think it right even to introduce a measure to accomplish that design-Hear, hear, hear!) It was true that circumstances had of late years most materially changed; the insuperable obstacle existing in a quarter to which it was only necessary to allude, no longer opposed itself, and the wisdom of Parliament was left to act unrestrained by those considerations of respect and delicacy which before had powerfully operated upon his lordship's mind. Other causes adequate to produce a change had been adverted to by the last speaker, and in such a case it was found impossible that any Government could be formed for the country, founded on the principle of resistance to the Roman Catholic Claims-(Hear, hear!) He begged it to be understood, that in what he should offer to the House, he stated merely his individual sentiments, not those of the Government in general. Even before the period of the Union, he had foreseen the necessity of concessions, since it was impossible that things could remain for ever in the con dition in which they were then placed, for while in Scotland a Papist was allowed to fill the highest place in the State, in England and Ireland he was cut off from the enjoyment of all emoluments of office. That time was now past, a change had occurred, and it was now his duty to make the best use of the situation in which he was placed-(Hear, hear, hear! and laughter.) With regard to the question of securities, his lordship had never, and would not now require that the Catholics should grant any thing inconsistent with their honour, or which might tend to the degradation of their sect. He asked no securities but such as were afforded by them in other countries. The great error was, that penal laws were looked to as the protectors of the

Church, instead of adverting to those indemnifications which were procured before this country became a Protestant State. Securities were, however, indispensible against foreign influence, for, however contemptible elsewhere, the power of the Pope in Ireland was very extensive. He might, if he had chosen, have nominated every Bishop; and even Mr. Grattan himself admitted that some guards were necessary for the establishment. What the nature of those guards might be, could be in some degree ascertained from the writings of an hon. baronet (Sir J. C. Hippisley), whose writings had afforded such valuable information, and who had proved, that even in Spain (the most bigotted of all States) no communication was allowed between the Pope and the Church, but such as was transmitted through the hands and with the knowledge of Government. On such a footing, and on such a footing only, he wished the Irish Roman Catholics to be placed; and with such a proviso he could not have the slightest difficulty in voting for the Resolution of Mr. Canning in the fullest sense that the words would bear interpretation. No man could now doubt that the Roman Catholic should be placed on a level with the other subjects of the Crown; it was the feeling of personal inferiority that fomented discontent, and produced danger, and unless that were completely removed by a full compliance with all that was asked, on the terms he had stated, it would be ridiculous to imagine that the question would not, year after year, be re-agitated, new disturbances be produced, and scenes repeated, which they had so lately witnessed. He had not the slightest objection to the second proposal, by which the Resolution of the House was to be laid at the foot of the Throne, provided the Government was not burdened with any responsibility in forming the measure(Hear, hear!) since he could not undertake to secure that unanimity which would be necessary to accomplish so vast and important an object. Each individual would express his opinion as he should deem proper; his lordship had now done so, and he did not feel himself barred from going beyond his coadjutors of the Cabinet. At present he was ready to join his exertions in support of the measure which seemed likely to produce so many benefits to the empire.

Mr. Tierney said, that if he rightly understood the noble lord after twelve years, during which his opinions had been in complete abeyance, or conflicting with themselves, he

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had now returned to the sentiments he professed at the period of the Union (Hear, hear !)-What he had been urging for the last quarter of an hour none would dispute, and none but the noble lord would have thought it necessary to state. From the speech just delivered, he (Mr. Tierney) augured very ill of the final success of the cause, since whatever impression circumstances might have made upon the House, it was clear that no impression had been made upon the Government. He objected to the Amendment of the gal lant General, only because it would not be carried, and whatever injury it might do the cause, he felt compelled to say that he should vote for the original motion of Mr. Canning, because it pledged Parliament upon the subject of the Catholic Claims, By this declaration he might deter many gentlemen from supporting the Resolution by their votes, but frankness and common honesty demanded it. But how did the matter stand with regard to the Ministers of the country, as they termed themselves? The Resolution now proposed was to be passed by the Parliament, was to be approved by the highest authority in the kingdom, and yet these Ministers confessed themselves so weak, imbecile, and inefficient, that they were unable and unwilling to carry into effect that which as the Government they were bound to accomplish (Hear, hear, hear!)-Such were the Ministers that at this crisis were placed at the head of affairs! He believed the noble lord sincere, when he stated that he wished the measure to be carried; but he saw no reason to think that the noble lord would endeavour to influence others, or would risk his own situation for the sake of attaining it. He had, it was true, spoken as usual on both sides of the question, but had coincided by supporting the Resolution. His new coadjutor had confessed that the time for concession was arrived-yet the Government was to do nothing! All men in the kingdom, except the Ministers, had made up their minds upon the subject. What was the cause of this dissent? Why were not the Catholic Claims to be made a Government question? The noble lord had supplied the clue to guide men out of his labarynth, when he declared that the truth was, that no Government could be formed in those times hostile to concession-(Hear, hear, hear!). An honourable friend (Mr. Bankes) had stated that time would produce most wonderful change. It was true that the lapse of years might do something, but the alteration that had been produced in the Cabinet by the

lapse of a single month was wonderful indeed!(Hear, hear!)-Under such dissentions, who, upon this subject, were to be the advisers of the Regent? or were his Ministers to offer their discordant councils seriatim? The last month had been a most memorable period; nothing but changes: Ministers had altered their minds on every question. The Barracks at Liverpool, Bristol, and Marylebone, formerly declared to be essential to the security of the state, had been abandoned. Colonel M'Mahon was to be paid out of the Privy Purse, though only a few weeks before, Mr. Perceval had declared, seconded by all his satellites (who ceased to shine when his fire was withdrawn), that it was unconstitutional and improper, The Orders in Council, those measures necessary to the very existence of Great Britain as an independent state, were now to be rescinded as matters of trifling import; and last of all, the Catholic claims were to be conceded, though not a month ago the very same men who now so warmly advocated them, had resisted them with efforts that appeared almost beyond the powers of human nature (Hear, hear! and continued laughter). Such was the Government with whom the Catholics were to com. municate, without a hope of a final and happy termination of the existing difficulties. The right honourable gentleman then proceeded with great acuteness to argue that the established religion required no securities such as those alluded to. The Constitution was in no danger from those who, having a share in it, were interested in its continuance, and the best pledge he could expect from a Catholic was the acceptance of office-Hear!) With regard to the result of the present system of policy, he observed, that the only effect would be, to make the people of Ireland rebel, their Bishops preach, and the aggregate meeting debate. He wished that the Resolution this night to be adopted, should be conveyed to the Throne, but he was first desirous that the sentiments of persons in another place should be ascer tained the change of opinion might not there be quite so general. Noble personages might yet doubt, and the Chancellor might still have some relicts of that conscience, of which he had been boasting during the last ten years(Hear, and laughter! )-There two securities might be required, lest the Irish Bishops should bold treasonable correspondence with a foreign power, although he (Mr. Tierney) could not imagine why an Irish Bishop should not in such a case be dealt with like an English Bishop, whe