would only lose his head-(hear, hear! and laughter) He trusted that before the ensuing session, the noble lord (Castlereagh) would endeavour so to train his colleagues as to induce them to adopt some one opinion, and not to stray about as their fancies might dictate, if indeed the design in letting loose the question was merely that a certain set of men might remain. in office, knowing that otherwise. they would be excluded. He would assert, without hesitation, that there never was a more foul traitor to the best interest of his country, than the man who held a place under such conditions, and no punishment could be too severe for him (Hear, hear, hear!)He applied the term to po individual; he trusted there was not one who deserved it, but this the noble lord and his friends would be best, able to decide (hear, hear!)

Mr. Bathurst, at considerable length, opposed the Resolution of Mr. Canning,

Sir J. C. Hippisley supported the Resolution, contending that it was the duty of Parliament to enact those securities which in foreign countries were demanded from the Catholics. He went into some statements to prove that the Pope had even now considerable influence over the Irish Catholic Clergy.

Mr. Ponsonby ridiculed, the idea of any demand of secnrities from the Catholics, at a time when the Government was so divided that there were none to require them. Nothing could be more absurd than a Cabinet professing to have no opinion upon this important question. In his view the greatest security to the establishment was the concession which he trusted Parliament was now about to make, by which all classes of dissenters would be rendered unanimous in the support of that Constitution in which they were interested. If the motion so ably brought forward by Mr.Canning were acceded to, he was convinced that incalculable benefits would result to the empire at large, and he had as little doubt that it would be gratefully received by the Irish nation. He lamented that Government had acknowledged itself this night so imbecile that it could do nothing upon this subject; but he was happy that in the absence of an efficient Administration to do its duty, Ireland might look with confidence to her unshaken friend, who through a long series of years had maintained the cause of civil and religious liberty, and who would upon the present occasion take upon himself a task to which he was, more than any VOL. III.-1812. 3 p

other man, competent-the formation of a measure to carry into effect the Resolution of this night. He was aware that it would be an arduous task, but as far as his own powers went, he could assure him that he would never want a zealous assistant; nor would his friends around him be less anxious to lend their aid.

Mr. W. Fitzgerald was certain, if the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Tierney) had not lost votes by his speech, he had at least offended many who were disposed to vote with him. If gentlemen on that side of the House could abandon their principles to preserve their places, he could only say, they should not have his vote. Concurring in the vote of the right honourable gentleman opposite, he must disclaim the principles by which that vote had been sup ported. So far from there being no person connected with the Government who had expressed their support of the motion, the noble lord (Castlereagh) had declared that he not only should not interpose difficulties in the way of the measure, but he had even pledged himself to the enter taining of it with favour when it should be brought forward next session. The present motion had been hailed on the other side as an auspicious omen. He (Mr. F.) viewed it in the same light, and trusted it would lead to the safety of the country, and the happiness of the people..

Mr. Ponsonby explained, that no Member of the Govern ment, as the Government, had given any pledge in favour of the measure.

Lord Palmerston said, notwithstanding the speech of the right honourable gentleman opposite was more calculated to deter from the support of the motion than even the speeches of those who objected to it, still he should not be prevented from voting for the motion, his object being that the subject should be taken into early consideration next Bession. The repeal, however, must not be unconditional, but guarded by pledges.

Sir C. Burrell, when he saw that the Catholics would not be pleased to grant pledges, could not consent to vote for the motion. He must first see the Protestant religion secured.

Mr. Whitbread was of opinion that his right honourable friend (Mr. Tierney) bad successfully exposed not only the imbecility, but the insincerity of Ministers. He was astonished that any man could be diverted, by the declarations of an angry meeting at Dublin, from giving due weight to the forcible, and, be should think, irresistible arguments of the

right honourable gentleman who had so ably and eloquently brought forward the present motion, considering that it was in the power of Parliament to accompany the measure, when it should ultimately be granted, with such pledges as they should chuse. Since the death of Mr. Perceval, he (Mr. Whitbread) could not help remarking that Ministers had yielded every point. The minor points they might have yielded to the wishes of the people, but the major points they had conceded, not in the spirit of magnanimity but of pusillanimity; they were beaten by the people and Parliament, but they had not been able to gain the victory over themselves. The noble lord (Castlereagh) said he was for the Resolution moved by the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Canning), but, as a Minister, that he would not act in such a manner as to give effect to it. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was of a similar mind. Then came a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Bathurst), who it was understood was to be in the Cabinet, and he had said that he should vote against the Resolution. What an uneasy summer must these men have together? For he hoped the right honourable gentleman would follow up his Resolution by moving that it be presented to the Prince; and he thought it impossible, after a question of such importance was submitted to the Prince Regent, that his Ministers should not advise him to follow up such a recommendation. He should not detain the House from the triumph of this day. On the head of his right honourable friend (Mr. Grattan) must rest and accumulate all the glory and honours of the victory. By the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Canming), had the immediate stand been made; but to his right honourable friend (Mr. Grattan) must attach the ultimate glory.

Mr. Wm. Smith thought the House could not but accede to the present Resolution. The security that should be given to the Protestant Church was all that remained, and it was an after consideration.

Mr. Canning, in reply, said, he was aware something would be expected from him, if not in answer to those who had opposed his motion, at least in the way of acknowledgment to those who had supported it. And first, his acknowledgments were due to him (Mr. Grattan), who had first raised his powerful voice in his own country, in behalf of his oppressed countrymen, and had, since the Parlia ment was removed to England, illustrated the cause he sup

ported by some of the finest specimens of eloquence which had ever been heard in that House. To the hand of that right honourable person should he (Mr. Canning) willingly resign what remained of this contest. If he had been happy enough to succeed in removing something which stood in the way, he was amply recompensed by the gratification of his own feelings, and he would gladly see the completion of the work left to the hands of the right honourable gentleman; he never wished to see it in the hands of the Executive Government. He agreed that there were various ways in which Administrations might have been formed, more calculated to do good than the present. He thought that along with this question, there might have been Administrations which could have carried questions essential to the existence of the Government, and which could even have reconciled the public to submit with more resignation to the exigencies of the times-Administrations which might have assured us of the means of peace, and of the sustainment of war! But still he hailed the prospect of the vote of this night as the first step towards better times, and he augured this not alone from the support which his motion had received, but from the feebleness of the arguments against it. For various reasons it was not his intention to follow up the present Resolution, if it should be carried, in the way he had originally proposed, namely, by presenting the same to the Prince Regent; but it was his intention, in the first instance, to move that the Resolution be communicated to the House of Lords, and their concurrence requested to it, If they should be so fortunate as to obtain the concurrence of the other House to their Resolution, then they could go up to the Prince Regent with redoubled certainty of success. This, indeed, compared with what they had hitherto experienced, would be a contrast highly to be desired. Such must be considered as a bond of cordiality, peace, harmony, mutual good-will, and corresponding happiness,

The gallery was then cleared, when General Matthew's Amendment to Mr. Canning's motion was negatived without a division.

The House then divided on the original Resolution

A yes

Noes

235

106

Majority in favour of the Resolution 129
Adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

TUESDAY, JUNE 23.

CATHOLIC CLAIMS.

Marquis Wellesley-" I rise, my Lords, to give notice, that it is my intention on an early day to submit to your lordships a resolution on a subject of the very highest importance-I mean the laws affecting the Roman Catholics of the united kingdom. This question was brought for ward at a very early period of the present session, upon a motion respecting the general state of Ireland. I was then of opinion, and your lordships were of opinion, that under the circumstances of that period, it was premature and improper to enter upon the consideration of the question. The subject was afterwards submitted to your lordships in a distinct shape, at a subsequent period, by a noble friend near me, but had not the good fortune then to be entertained by the House with a view to the final adjustment of this important question. On that occasion I supported the proposition for entering upon the consideration of the laws affecting the Roman Catholics, with a view to a final and satisfactory arrangement; and I stated at length the reasons which induced me to adopt that line of conduct. I did more than that. When the Prince Regent did me the honour to ask my advice with regard to the formation of a new Administration, I stated to him, frankly and plainly, that the consideration of the laws affecting the Roman Ca tholic subjects of the united kingdom, with a view to the adoption of such conciliatory measures as would give peace and security to the empire, ought to form the basis of any Administration that his Royal Highness might think proper to call to his councils. I should have wished, my Lords, to have proceeded to this consideration, even in the present session; but it does not appear to me that this can be now effectually done. Nothing, therefore, remains, but to take such steps towards the accomplishment of so desirable an object, as circumstances will permit; and it is upon this ground that I have determined to call upon your lordships now to pass a Resolution, pledging yourselves to take this question into consideration at an early period of the next session; and pledging yourselves not only to take the subject into consideration, but also defining distinctly that this consideration is to be with a view to the adoption of such