jects, and the restoration of tranquillity. He should afterwards propose to refer the papers to a Committee of Secrecy, and it was not for him at the present moment to anticipate what measures might by that Committee be deemed necessary. It was with great pain that his Majesty's servants had found themselves compelled to resort to this step, but the necessity that existed, rendered it a duty imperative upon them to advise his royal highness the Prince Regent to make the present communication to Parliament. It could not of course be expected that he should now enter into any detail of those circumstances which had rendered necessary this communication. It was, however, matter of notoriety that acts of the greatest violence and outrage had been committed in some districts of the country; and although the conduct of the rioters might be, in some degree, traced to the high price of provisions and the reduction of work, still there was no doubt that these outrages were fomented by persons who had views and objects in thus fomenting disturbances, which it was the duty of Government to counteract. The repeal of the Orders in Council might tend, by increasing employment, to withdraw many from this system of riot and outrage, but Government would have incurred a heavy responsibility, if, with the knowledge of the documents now communicated to the House, and aware that the hopes of increased employment might be disappointed, or that it might please Providence to inflict the calamity of another deficient harvest, if they had not advised his royal highness the Prince Regent to make this communication to Parliament. Every measure had been adopted on the part of Government; the military had been called in to assist the civil power, and had conducted themselves with the utmost zeal and mederation; special commissions had been issued for the trial of several persons for acts of riot and outrage, some of whom had paid the forfeit of their lives; others had since been taken into custody, and been ordered for trial. But under the circumstances of the present state of the disturbed districts, his Majesty's servants had considered this a communication absolutely necessary, in order that measures might be adopted for the security of the lives, and the safety of the property of his Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects. It would of course rest with the Committee to whom the documents were to be referred, to consider what measures were necessary; he did not,

however, mean to say, that his Majesty's Government had not formed an opinion as to what measures may be requisite, His lordship concluded by moving an Address to the Prince Regent, returning thanks to his Royal Highness for the communication, stating that the House would take into their serious consideration the documents referred to, and expressing their determination to concur in such measures as, from the information communicated, might appear to be necessary, with a view to the security of the lives and property of his Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects.

Earl Stanhope had no objection to the words. of the Address (though he wished for some explanation as to the measures intended), provided there was a stipulation that the measures to be adopted should not be in violation of the Constitution. He therefore moved, as an Amendment to the Address, "not in violation of the Constitution."

The Earl of Liverpool said, it would be highly indecorous to suggest any measure at the present moment, when the documents laid upon the table were to be referred to a Secret Committee, who were of course to form their opinion as to what measures would be necessary. The state of the districts in which the acts of violence and outrage alluded to by his noble friend had been committed, rendered this com munication necessary, and it would be for the Secret Committee to consider, after being informed of the nature of the documents now laid on the table, what measures were necessary. With respect to what the noble earl had said of a violation of the Constitution, he only thought it necessary to say, that to occasional measures which were an infringement of the usual practice of the laws, we owed the best part of our liberties and security, and that these measures were not the exercise of any power in the Government, but of the power vested in Parliament for the preservation of the Constitution, to resort to such occasional measures whenever they should see a necessity for so doing.

Lord Holland did not see any objection to the Amendment of his noble friend, and thought it highly deserving of support, looking to a contemplated suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, to which measure no consideration of times or circumstances could induce him to give his

consent.

Earl Stanhope objected to placing the power which would be derived from a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, in the hands of the present Ministers, particularly VOL. III.-1812. 3L

the Prime Minister, who did not know his own mind -who one week declared his determination to uphold the Orders in Council, and the next week consented to their repeal-and who, on his (Lord Stanhope's) Gold Bill, last session, determined at five o'clock to kick it out, at six to kick it out, and at seven o'clock to kick it outbut who, at five minutes after seven, after holding a little Cabinet Council, determined to support it-so much for consistency.

The Amendment of Earl Stanhope was negatived, and the Address agreed to, and ordered to be presented to the Prince Regent by the Lords with White Staves.

On the motion of Lord Viscount Sidmouth, the sealed bag of papers laid on the table was ordered to be referred to a Committee of Secrecy, to consist of cleven Lords, to be chosen by ballot, the ballot to take place to-morrow, at four o'clock, and the Lords to be summoned.-Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

MONDAY, JUNE 29.

On the question that the Assessed Taxes Bill be read a second time, Mr. Western repeated the objections he had made to the impost upon horses in husbandry on a former day. The question having been put, the Bill was read a

third time.

Mr. Western then proposed an Amendment, by leaving out all the words by which a tax was laid upon Horses in Husbandry,

Mr. Brougham supported the Amendment, and Mr. Vansittart opposed it.

Mr. Giles inquired whether the duty was likely to amount to such a sum as to render it worth while to do such essential injury to the agricultural interests of the country?

Sir C. Burrell proposed instead of it a tax upon hothouses and green-houses,

After a few words trom the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a division took place, and the Amendment was negatived.

PROVINCIAL DISTURBANCES.

Lord Castlereagh brought up a large sealed packet of papers, by order of the Prince Regent, being the informa

tion to which his Royal Highness had in his Message alluded, and which he stated should be laid before Parliament.

Lord Castlereagh then rose and said, that the course of proceeding which he should recommend would render it unnecessary for him now to trouble the House at any length upon this important subject. He should first propose that the House should express its thanks to the Prince Regent, for the Message his Royal Highness had sent, and should give its assurances that no time should be lost in taking the subject into consideration, by instituting such proceedings as might be deemed expedient. His lordship's next proposition would be, that the papers he had just laid upon the table should be referred to a Committee of Secrecy, not for the purpose of recommending any measures to the House, but merely of examining the private information communicated, of laying the substance of it before Parliament, in such a form as would give the House a distinct and fair view of the actual state of the disturbances which had so long subsisted in the interior. By the Message of the Prince Regent, however, it was by no means intended that Government should be discharged from the burden of submitting to the country their opinion upon the subject, and of bringing forward such measures as to them appeared likely to correct the evil. His lordship would not now enter into these topics, since, after the Committee should have reported, a much more fit opportunity would be afforded; and as nothing could be more injurious than that the matter should be prematurely discussed, so nothing could be more advantageous than that it should be fully and fairly investigated, that the opinions of all might be ascertained, and, if possible, accommodated. At present any disclosure even of the general outline of the plan proposed by Ministers to be pursued, would only serve to excite feelings far better suppressed, and to lead to discussions far better postponed. His lordship's reluctance did not arise from any unwillingness, or fear in exposing what course Ministers would suggest, but it originated in an opinion that neither the House nor the country being in possession of the facts, were not prepared for any measures founded upon those facts. On a former day an honourable gentleman (Mr. Brougham) had adverted to delay, of which he accused Government of being guilty in not calling for the aid of Parliament at an earlier period of the session. His lord

ship felt confident that he should be able to persuade the House that it was to be attributed to a justifiable reluctance to solicit other aid, while there remained a hope that the established laws of the constitution would be found adequate to the exigency. With regard to what had fallen from the same individual as to the Call of the House, his lordship was prepared in a way that, be trusted, would prove satis factory to the House, to shew that, previous to the discharge of the Call, Ministers were not in possession of such intelligence as would authorise them in resorting to the Legisla ture. He was also ready, at the proper time, to detail to the House those particular circumstances which had subse quently occurred, to induce them to take the step which they had now adopted. Of this his lordship was certain, that in Government there was no disposition, to shun the discussion of the subject before, or to be deprived of the assistance of a full attendance, but the honourable gentleman himself would recollect that on Friday, the day after the Call was discharged, he (Lord Castlereagh) stated to , the House that he should be authorised to make a communication to it on this subject. His lordship concluded by proposing an Address, thanking the Prince Regent for his most gracious Message, and assuring his Royal Highness that the necessary proceedings would be forthwith instituted to secure the lives and property of the loyal inhabitants of the disturbed districts.

Mr. Whitbread said that he did not rise to oppose the motion. He professed his ardent wish that the noble lord would, as he asserted, be able satisfactorily to shew why he suffered the Call to be discharged before he made any communication to the House: as affairs now stood, such conduct appeared to require a very ample apology to the peaceable inhabitants of the country. He sincerely hoped that after the Secret Committee should have been appointed to report upon the papers sealed and delivered at the bar this day, it would be found that no extraordinary measures were necessary, and as the noble lord had deprecated discussion, so he (Mr. Whitbread) deprecated any ill-advised attempt to do good from which so much injury_might ensue (Hear, hear!) Examples from our own and from the history of other countries, were not wanting to shew with what extreme caution we should proceed, and, profiting by dear-bought experience, he trusted that the subject would be discussed without passion and decided without precipi