would become us, my Lords-it would be our bounden duty, as hereditary Councillors of the Crown, to look to the probable rise of discontent, and meet and heal it. Does not all this supply ground for arguing, is there nothing in measures which fix a vast irritated population in the heart of the empire? But look to their operations on the general safety of our civil rights-look to their operations on the interests of the Church. In each, and all, they went directly to arm the spirit of a great body of the people against those institutions from which they felt themselves decidedly excluded. But did those laws, which were supposed so essential to the constitution, answer a single object for which they had been devised? Their first object was, to bring the population within the pale of the Church. Has this succeeded, or must not the body in question be adverse upon principle? Is there a discoverable tendency to the end?

Is not the result all evil? Is it not the fruit of the system, upon pure human principles, to raise a strong hostility against the Church-to lay open the public mind to the enemy to raise and foster a spirit, which, if not met by speedy remedy, or softened by the promise of speedy consideration, must go on, in a progressive ratio, to those excesses which it would demand all the wisdom and temper of your lordships to meet with success? But has this anomaly of law, which deals out one measure to Ireland, and another to Scotland-has it produced quiet in Ireland, and in Scotland discontent? No: We have in those two countries a great public principle reduced to practice; and it tells us, that where there is constraint, there is discontent; and where the constraint is taken away, there is quiet. Marquis Wellesley then adverted to the effects of a change of system in Ireland. Authorities had been, quoted to prove that Catholic emancipation was an inferior object with the people. But all this was contradicted upon the common principles of human affairs. Where a discontent was raised against a peculiar grievance--where it was a subject of universal complaint-where it was calculated to pain and to injure, whether complained of or not, its removal must be important. But then it was said, the discontents of Ireland arose from many causes, of which this was but one. Let it be so. But what was the reasoning that would refuse to take away one burthen, because others might remain behind?(Hear, hear!)—"There may," said he, " be others; but this, I am convinced, is the great one. 1 say it VOL. III.-1812.

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upon my best consideration. I state it as a legitimate grievance; and I am convinced that it is one which tends to inflame every other grievance-(hear!). This is the most painful and distinct of all, as it touches the pride and feeling of a people full of sensibility. How much must it press upon the spirit of such men, to find themselves degraded in the eyes of the country. It is impossible that this must not be felt. It is not to be believed that this must not touch them in all points where men can be touched. I am firmly convinced, that the removal of this will produce the tranquil removal of all the others; and that without this, the removal of all the others will not be felt as a boon. What is the authority on which this argument is brought forward? It is that of those unfortunate persons who, for having inflamed the rebellion in Ireland, were rendered amenable to the laws of their country. When they were brought up to be examined before the Committees of Lords and Commons, this was no doubt their opinion; and if it was to be relied on, Catholic emancipation was no object with the people. But who could rely upon the advice of such men, under such circumstances? Their object bad been to inflame the country, and I cannot doubt that it was still their object; that their opinion was shaped to their object; and that, in seeing their advice adopted, they looked forward to seeing the country inflamed and made hostile for ever. This I be lieve firmly; and every thing they said, before and since that time, has confirmed me in that belief. Then comes the great question as to the safety of the Church. I am convinced that the Church is in no danger, but from those disabilities. Can it be doubted from which the greater danger is to arise from the admission of a few, by their qualifications, into the service of the State; or by the absolute exclusion of a great body, bound and condensed together by that exclusion into a principled hostility against the establishment ?"—(hear!)His lordship then spoke of the necessity of an early consideration. It had always appeared to him, that what was to be done must not be delayed, if it was to be done well and wisely. The consideration of the question had been always deferred, and apparently without sufficient reason. He (Marquis Wellesley) had been decided in his wish to give it the earliest discussion of which it was capable. At the several periods in the session at which it had come, connected even with other matter, before the House, he had pressed for a speedy consideration; and again in April, when the subject came forward again, he had stated, that

the subject ought not to lay dormant; or, as he then said, it ought not to be left till the rising feelings of the nation awoke into a tempest of faction. The measure was then deferred, and since that time, it was not to be denied, that suspicions and jealousies had been revived, totally unwarranted, as he thought they were; but still they were revived; and was this not an additional reason to take the subject under their lordships' consideration, and apply to it those maxims of wise and wholesome policy of which it was capable? In this the House might expect the assistance of noble lords near him, whose knowledge and experience on the subject entitled their opinion to the highest regard. [Marquis Wellesley here said a few words, we believe, in compliment to Lords Grey and Grenville, but they were lost in the cries of Hear, hear! from the Opposition]" I," said he," am sincere in my opinion, that no time should be lost in taking it up by Parliament; that it should not be suffered to float at the mercy of every man who may use his opportunity to distort and exaggerate the grievances of the people. Rescue it from the hands of the enemy; I do not speak of persons in Ireland, but rescue it from France(Hear, hear!). Let the agitation of the public mind only provoke us to take it up, and take it up as speedily as we can. If it were practicable, I would urge it upon your im mediate consideration. Did I not, on the 28th of April, entreat you to go into an immediate Committee? But I do not now call upon you for what would be impracticable; and, as there could be no hope of going through the subject this session, let us determine to make it our earliest consideration for the approaching one. Next as to the time. we to leave the question in its present state, for the interval that may come between the prorogation of the House and its meeting again? Are we to leave it to the mercy of every man who turns his eye upon it? Are we to leave it to the practice of the enemy?-[Here there was some confusion from the crowd below the bar, and the officer was called.— After a short pause, Marquis Wellesley proceeded]-If the time, if the mode of the resolution are unsatisfactory to your lordships, am I to conclude that the object of my Resolution is so. That object is to secure a final arrangement, satisfactory to all parties: so guarded as to remove discontents, without endangering the rights of any class of his Majesty's subjects. The importance, the probable effect, the dangers of delay, all concur to press this great ques

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tion upon me, and compel me to call upon you for some pledge of this speedy consideration. Then I, with others, whose assistance I will be happy to claim-and after whom, or with whom, I am ready to take my share in the discussion of this question-will be proud and happy to come forward with those measures which, by providing for a final arrangement, seem to us most calculated to ensure the happiness and honour of the country. Those measures must not be suffered to linger without a pledge. If they are, let Parliament look to the Consequence on the feelings of the country-let them, above all, look to its impression on Ireland-let them look to the consequence of telling any great body of men, that they shall not have a seat among us; that we have laid up their disabilities in the very temple of the constitution, and made their restraints the palladium of our liberties. I trust in God, that we are now about to bind ourselves to that final arrangement which will amend all-secure all-reconcile all." The Marquis Wellesley then read his Resolution :-" That this House will, early in the next session of Parliament, take into its most serious consideration the state of the laws affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and Ireland, with a view to such a final and conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability of the Protestant Establishment, and to the general satisfaction and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects."

Lord Longford observed, that this was a subject on which there existed considerable difference of opinion. Even the best friends of the Catholics thought they had lately gone to unwarrantable lengths; and the objections of those who were adverse to concession, were very much strengthened by the recent occurrences. He objected entirely to a pledge on this subject. The Catholic would derive no advantage from it, for he must know that it was a subject which would be entertained by Parliament whenever they might consider it prudent to entertain it. If, however, circumstances should render it inexpedient to enter into the consideration of the Catholic claims early in the next session, what would be the effect of adopting the noble marquis's Resolution but to pledge their lordships to consider that which it would be inexpedient to consider? For bimself, he could not agree that the objections to cou

cession were of a spiritual nature; they were political. He, for one, would not chuse to admit those into political power who in any shape acknowledged a foreign authority. He wished to ascertain some positive security before he could consent to a surrender. The present submission of the Catholics to the papal power, was, in his opinion, of too organized a nature not to be susceptible of a political character. When the question was brought forward, whenever it might be brought forward, he trusted that it would be considered not partially with a view to the interests of the Catholics alone, but as a great national cause. refusing to agree to the present motion, he guarded himself from being supposed to intimate, that if it should be proposed next session to discuss the subject, he should object to that proposition.

The Lord Chancellor thought it his duty, thus early in the debate, to offer to their lordships his sentiments on a subject of such vital importance to the civil and religious liberties of the empire. Because he stated his opinion on this subject-even were he to stand alone in that opinionhe denied the right of any man to question his sincerity. There was no wish nearer his heart than to be convinced that he was wrong. If he could be convinced of that, he would, without hesitation, vote for the Resolution proposed by the noble marquis: but conceiving as he did, that the was right, and that those who were of a different opinion were wrong, the noble marquis must excuse him, fand indeed he would, no doubt, applaud him for going to the utmost length in opposition to that motion. The noble marquis justly expressed his persuasion that there could be no difference of opinion as to the desirable nature of the objects which the Resolution professed itself calculated to attain. Ob, that they could be accomplished! Oh, that their lordships could come to some determination on this subject, "satisfactory to all classes of his Majesty's subjects!" He believed from his soul that the noble marquis entertained the best intentions; but it was for their lordships that night closely to examine, and conscientiously to decide upon the probability, or rather the possibility, that the adoption of the noble marquis's Resolution would be "satisfactory to all classes of his Majesty's subjects." He trusted that he should not be branded with intolerance and bigotry, if he expressed himself in the language of all the statutes on the subject, or if he maintained that to agree to