at what time was it so acting? At a moment when we were 635 told the crisis of our affairs was such, we ought to be an armed nation! Yet the Government were now trying to make us a disarmed nation-(Hear !)-And where was the cause? Did the people, for whose sake it was pretended they were legislating, ask it of the Government? Did they grovel at the feet of Ministers-did they crawl upon their knees before them, and supplicate to be disarmed? Did they say, we are too dastardly to defend ourselves, take from us our arms, for we cannot keep them, and keep them in your custody? No! He denied the people of England were yet so base, were yet so degraded !(Hear, hear!) He denied also there was any necessity now for the measure at all. He denied it on the face of the Report. The whole business reminded him of the sham plots and conspiracies of 1793. He remembered what were the alarms and factions of that period. He remembered when it was spread abroad, that vast funds were collected in order to support the disaffected, and organize them; and yet it was proved upon oath at the Old Bailey, that the whole amount of those funds was 9. 15s. That was their Exchequer-(a laugh.) Another report too of a conspiracy at that period he remembered, with all the additions of arms, training, &c. turn out? Nine tailors and one pike were discovered in a And how did it back garret in Tooley-street, in the Borough-laughter!) He recollected also, that such was the eagerness to find plots at that time, that a Magistrate said to him on the occasion, "No young and tender mother ever dwelt with more fondness upon her first-born child, than we did upon that pike!"-(general laughter!). He had been led to say much more than he intended, but he could not help expressing his decided objection to the Bill, framed as it was upon the Report of a Committee, where no evidence was permitted to guide their decision. He would have had every sort of parole evidence; examinations and cross-examinations, full and substantial proof, before the Government dared to suspend the Constitution of the country-(fear, hear!)-In the worst exigencies of Ireland, no such law as the present was proposed. A power for disarming the people indeed was granted, and so was a certain power to Magistrates, but they were somewhat different. He well remembered the. discussions at that periol. He well remembered the foul and unmanly debates in that House, when it was a question about searching for arms in the women's bed chambers, as to how long a woman might be allowed to dress in, before

she opened the door for the officers to search. Some gentlemen proposed seven minutes; he, without any great effort of chivalrous feeling, ventured to suggest ten minutes(a laugh)-but the noble lord opposite proposed that a reasonable time should be granted, which was at last carried. That Act, however, which originated with his right ho nourable friend (Mr. Pole), much to his honour, did not confer any thing like the powers upon Magistrates intended to be conferred by the present Bill. No Magistrate had power to search for arms upon suspicion, but upon oath ; and information was to be transmitted to the Lord-Lieutenant, and an authority from him, or from his chief secre tary, was to be granted before the Magistrate could act, thus making the Executive Government responsible.[Here Mr. Sheridan read one or two of the clauses.]-Good God (continued the right honourable gentleman) compare the two occasions!-Compare the two Acts!-Compare the provocations in the one country and in the other! He should have thought there was some wisdom in the proceed ings of Ministers, did there now exist any perils-but they came like sea-gulls, screaming when the storm was over. Another and a sufficient remedy had been applied: the disturbances were confessedly decreasing, and yet such a mea sure as the present, which could only have the effect of irritating, was to be proposed. He hoped he had put the intended clause in such a light as would make it impossible it should remain.

The Attorney-General said, he was not at all surprised at the conclusion to which the right honourable gentleman had come, as he totally disbelieved the Report of the Committee. Certainly, if that Report was false, there could be no occasion for such a measure as was now proposed, and every person thinking with the right honourable gentleman must come to the same conclusion. It was lucky for the right honourable gentleman, however, that he had no local knowledge which justified the Report. He contended, however, that the facts contained in the Report were such as fully justified the Bill, and he cautioned the House how it gave credit to the delusion that, because the disturbances were now suspended, during the assizes, and while Parliament was deliberating upon them, therefore they had ceased. He could state, however, that very recent intelligence had arrived of intimidation having been used, threatening the lives of persons if they gave evidence against

those who were to be tried. He deprecated the levity with which the subject had been treated by the right honourable gentleman. The object of the clause was to keep the arms of the people in safe custody, and prevent the insurgents from getting them. He had alluded also to Ireland; but he wished he had read the date of the Act from which he had some clauses. Was not the date 1810? And was that the period when Ireland was convulsed with outrages? -(hear, hear!)-How easily the right honourable gentleman believed outrages that did not exist, and disbelieved them when they did exist-hear!) In fact, that Act which he had alluded to, had been passed, because all disturbances had ceased in Ireland, and it was intended to mitigate the provisions of the Act of 1797. He would ask the right honourable gentleman what had been the Act in force for 13 years before 1810?

Mr. Sheridan said, the honourable and learned gentleman had expressed some satisfaction at his (Mr. Sheridan's) luck in having no local knowledge of the facts stated in the Report. Now, in any way, he thought that congratulation unkind, for if he had such local knowledge, it might remove the error under which it appeared he laboured; and, besides, he ought rather to have wished that he (Mr. Sheridan) had a good stout estate in Yorkshire, in which there would have been nothing unfortunate-(a laugh.) The arguments of the honourable and learned gentleman, upon the expediency of the clause, that it went to provide safe custody for the arms of loyal persons, to prevent them from falling into the hands of the insurgents, it was impossible to say where they would stop. Government might equally say, we hear the insurgents are amassing funds to support their body; now you have a great many pound notes, and some silver, and silver spoons; we will take all this into our custody, lest it should fall into worse hands, especially as you have no arms to defend it—(a laugh.)—He knew not indeed to what such an argument might not be applied, when the first principle of the Constitution was once violated, by which every man was entitled to have arms to protect his property.

Mr. Hutchinson warned the Committee against subjecting themselves to the great responsibility of legislating in utter ignorance of the true nature of those proceedings which had been laid down as a precedent. It had been again asserted by the noble viscount (Castlereagh), that no tortures,

no excesses of any kind, had been committed against the people of Ireland, previous to the commencement of the rebellion in 1798. He (Mr. Hutchinson) had in his place, upon a former night, denied that assertion, and he now rose again to give that assertion of the noble lord's his most unqualified contradiction. He was therefore at complete issue with the noble viscount, and he was prepared to prove by evidence at their bar, that he was too well grounded in the charges he then made. He solemnly charged the Government of Lord Camden, of which the noble lord was for a considerable period the ostensible part, and for the whole period the confidential adviser-he solemnly charged that Government with permitting torture throughout Ireland before the rebellion. "I assert," said Mr. Hutchinson, "that under the eyes of that Government, for two long years before the rebellion, the people of Ireland were suffering under every infliction of outrage that could goad them to resistance. I assert, that for two years before the rebel· lion, the system of infliction was prosecuted through every means of torture and outrage, breaking open of houses at the dead of night, flogging, picketing, burning, halfhanging, violation of women, depredation of property, licensed plunder, legalized murder-(hear, hear, hear!)horrors that but to think of was sufficiently dreadful-to detail, disgusting. To be conscious that they once happened, might have its use in warning an English House of Commons how they opened an avenue for the introduction of such calamities (hear, hear!) They knew not what Ireland had suffered-let them beware how they took the first step that was to lead this country to a knowledge of such misery"-(hear, hear!) He again solemnly pledged himself, if required, to prove at their bar, by undoubted evidence, the truth of all the assertions he had advanced. The Committee then divided:

Ayes
Noes

Majority

77

18

59

A second division then took place on the clause, empow ering Magistrates to lodge in a safe depot the arms so taken:

Ayes

Noes

Majority

75

16

-59

The House then resumed, and the Report was ordered to

be received to-morrow.

IRISH CATHOLICS-CORRESPONDENCE WITH FRANCE.

Mr. Sheridan said, that a motion of his, with respect to the exercise of the power of the Attorney-General in Ireland, stood for this night; but at this late hour he could not think of bringing it on, considering the important nature of the subject. It was a subject likely to create a debate of peculiar interest, and he should therefore postpone it to Monday-While he was on his legs, he begged leave to say, that he could not help expressing his astonishment that no Member on either side of the House had drawn their attention to the documents which appeared respecting the offer of peace from France. That which formed the substance of that communication, he considered to be a most insidious, perfidious, and insulting proposition. He had no right to suppose that the correspondence had ended there, but he thought it was now a duty, after what had been published by France, which that House owed to themselves, to the Country, and even to the Government itself, to call for the correspondence which had taken place. He had nothing to say against the answer which had been returned; to him it appeared that it had been given wisely, rightly, and with such dignity and spirit as became the English Government, was due to our allies, and called for by the best interests of the country.-He wished to give notice of a motion on this subject, for Monday.

Lord Castlereagh was happy that the conduct of Govern ment appeared to the right honourable gentleman to entitle them to the praises which he had bestowed. He had no difficulty in saying, that no communication from France had been received in answer to his letter. The House would see that Government could not with propriety communicate to Parliament the correspondence which had taken place at an earlier period. They had not thought it proper hastily to consider the correspondence as closed, and had therefore wished to leave it open as long as possible to the French. Government to offer any reply which it might have to make. He had no objection to the motion of the right hon. gentleman, which was then fixed for Monday.

Mr. Bathurst moved the first reading of a Bill from the Lords for facilitating the Administration of Justice in the Court of Chancery.

After some little discussion, the Bill was read a first time, and the second reading fixed for Tuesday.-Adjourned.