Sir T. Turton and Mr. Tierney both acquiesced in the delay, since it was necessary on account of public busi

ness.

AMERICA.

Mr. Whitbread was sorry to observe the noble lord (Castlereagh) had already left the House. In his absence, he begged to know from the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Vansittart), what was the date of the latest intelligence from America and if Government were in possession of the Declaration of War by the United States?

Mr. Vansittart said, Government had no other or later accounts than were already in the possession of the public. They had no official accounts, but had reason to believe that the rumours in circulation were correct.

Mr. Whitbread begged also to ask, whether any and what steps had been taken to notify the repeal of the Berlin and, Milan Decrees at the Admiralty Court, as a great deal depended in that Court, on that information being made in so authentic a form that the Judge could act upon it?

Mr. Vansittart said no step had been taken on the subject. No communication had been made, because the persons in the Secretary of State's Office did not wish to give authenticity to what might be doubtful.-Adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

THURSDAY, JULY 23.

EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS-SLAVE TRADE-WEST-INDIES. Lord Holland rose to ask the noble earl at the head of his Majesty's Treasury, certain questions, which, though he did not mean to make them the ground of any motion, he trusted the noble earl would answer, on account of their importance. It would be improper to permit the session to pass without having some explanation from Government on the subjects to which he alluded. The first question which he was anxious to put to the noble earl, related to an exchange of prisoners of war between France and this country. He wished to know whether any proposition had lately been made by France, or by this country, in regard to such an exchange of prisoners; or if none had been lately made from either country to the other, he was desirous to know whether it was likely that any attempt would oon be made

for the accomplishment of a purpose so important? This was a subject in which humanity was deeply concerned. It was highly desirable even on the score of humanity alone, though other considerations were out of the question, to bring about such an exchange, if possible, in order to diminish the calamities of war, which must be severely felt by the subjects of both countries. He did not mean, by what he said, that he had at all approved, or wished to sanction, the most unjustifiable pretensions which had been advanced by France on this subject; but he trusted, on a subject of this nature, that our Government would not be too scrupulous, but would seize with eagerness any opportunity of effectuating this most desirable object, on any thing like fair and reasonable principles. The next question with which he had to trouble the noble earl, related to the Slave Trade. Though this infamous traffic had been abolished by the Parliament of this country, he was informed that it was carried on to a considerable extent under other flags, particularly those of Spain and Portugal. Though some of the present Ministers had originally opposed the abolition, yet he was pursuaded, that since the traffic had been condemned by the law of the land, they had used, and would use, their utmost exertions to carry it into effect. It was now six years since a resolution had been passed, recommending to Government to use its influence with foreign powers to procure their concurrence with this country in taking measures for checking or abolishing the Slave Trade. The influence, the honourable influence, which we might be supposed to have in the Councils of Spain and Portugal, afforded an opportunity at present of acting with peculiar effect upon the recommendation to which he had adverted. He wished, therefore, to know whether Government had paid the proper attention to this subject? and whether they had done any thing with the powers in question towards the accomplishment of this great object, in which also humanity was so deeply concerned? The last question related to the state of our West India colonies. Since the abolition of the Orders in Council, a measure in which no one had concurred more heartily than he did, the law of exclusion from intercourse, except in certain articles, with the United States, bore more heavily upon our West-India colonies. Sugar and coffee were not included in the articles which they were permitted to exchange for the lumber which it was necessary for them to procure. Rum they were permitted to send to the United

States; but it so happened that there was at present hardly any demand for that article in the United States. They were therefore obliged to pay for their lumber, in a great measure, in specie; which very specie was employed to purchase these very articles from other West-India possessions not belonging to Great Britain. He wished to know, therefore, whether this subject engaged the attention of his Majesty's Government, and whether it was intended to afford any relief to our West-India colonies in this respect? A more free intercourse with the United States was of the highest importance to our West-India colonies; and he trusted, on this account, as well as others, that the relations of mity between this country and the United States would soon be restored.

The Earl of Liverpool had no objection to give such answers to the several questions of the noble lord, as he could give consistently with his sense of public duty. And first, in regard to the exchange of prisoners, he observed that no one could possibly be more anxious to accomplish this object than his Majesty's Government. It was a most important object, he admitted, on the ground of humanity, with a view to the diminution of the calamities of war; it was also most important and desirable in regard to our country men; and it must be desirable for the Government at home, for reasons which he need not state. It was an object of which his Majesty's Government had never lost sight, and which they would certainly make, and had made, every exertion in their power to accomplish. They had, indeed, conceded more for that purpose than ever had been required on former occasions. That so desirable an object, therefore, was not accomplished, was to be ascribed solely to the Government of France. In regard to the Slave Trade, the noble lord had the candour to admit, and in the admission he did his Majesty's Government no more than justice, that whatever difference of opinion had existed as to the expediency of the abolition of the Slave Trade when first proposed, yet when the trade was in fact abolished by law, they had evinced a disposition to carry the law into full effect. Indeed, the very principles upon which some of them had opposed the abolition, led them, when the traffic was by law abolished, to carry the law, if possible, into complete execution. They had constantly had that object in view. In their communications with foreign powers, it had never been forgotten, when the opportunity occurred, VOL. III.-1812. 4 U

to make the proper representations on the subject. They had to a certain extent succeeded, although certainly not to the extent they wished to have done. He trusted, however, they would be enabled to induce the Governments of Spain and Portugal, gradually, if not at once, to concur with the Government of this country in the abolition of this traffic. The efforts that had been made for this purpose, by his Majesty's Government, had in some instances led to inconveniences which, if all the circumstances were before the noble lord, would sufficiently convince him of their sincerity in the endeavours. which they had made to accomplish the object in question. With respect to the West-India Islands, the subject was one which required a great deal of consideration. It was a question which involved the consideration, not merely of the interests of the Colonists, but those of the public in general, and was not to be decided upon without the most anxious and cautious deliberation. The changes in the state of the world might possibly make a difference as to the proper mode of administering the colonies but the noble lord would recollect, that the articles of sugar and coffee were left out of the Bill which passed on this subject while he was in office. The subject, however, did engage the most anxious attention of Government; but he begged not to be considered as at present giving any opinion on the question, either one way or another. He hoped he had now explained himself to the noble lord's satisfaction.

:

Lord Holland did not mean to enter into any farther statement on these subjects, especially after the noble earl had answered his questions in a manner so very satisfactory. He only wished to observe, that he had been informed, by a person who had been an eye-witness of the fact, that while that person resided in Cuba, the number of slaves brought in amounted to about 4000 in a week. As to the Bill brought in, in regard to the West Indies, while he was in office, he had only to say, that he had been very sorry that sugar and coffee had not been included but the circumstances were now different; and though Parliament was unfavourable to such an extension then, it might deem it expedient now.

RELIGIOUS WORSHIP.

The Earl of Liverpool moved the second reading of the Religious Worship Bill, and stated, that while the amplest

toleration was given by it that could reasonably be required, the jurisdiction of the Church of England was not at all infringed.

Earl Stanhope regretted that the Bill did not go the full length of complete religious liberty. He objected to seve ral of the clauses, but would not oppose the committal of the Bill.

Lord Holland highly approved of the Bill, as far as it went. He also was sorry that it did not go the length of full religious liberty; but a great lawyer had observed, that truth, in the House of Commons, required a great deal of soaking: so, in the House of Lords, the great principle of religious freedom required a great deal of soaking. This Bill was a great step, however, and even the noble earl at the head of the Treasury appeared to have become rather a wet intolerant.

Lord Sidmouth did not mean to the Bill; but at the same time he was far from being saoppose the progress of tisfied with the liberty allowed to any person, however ignorant, however bad his moral character, to take upon himself the office of a religious teacher, without any testimonial of his qualification.

Lord Holland spoke shortly in explanation. So far as this Bill contained in it qualification and restraint of religious liberty, so far he disapproved of it; but so far as it communicated any new enlargement of the rights of toleration, it met with his cordial approbation. It was true, that Mr. Locke, whom he deemed one of the greatest men this country ever produced, had approved of the Toleration Act of William and Mary; but the principles of religious liberty which he laid down in his immortal Treatise, in reality went much farther, and he only approved of the Act on the ground of est quoddam predire tenus. It was on the same principle that the present Bill gave him some satisfaction, because he was convinced that by attempting more, less might be actually attained.

After an explanation from Lord Stanhope, and some observations from the Lord Chancellor on a clause in the Bill, it was read a second time, and committed.

PRISONERS OF WAR.

Lord Sidmouth moved the second reading of the better preventing the escape of prisoners of war.