agreed with the stomach of the patient. The salutary effects of this remedy were so considerable, as to induce Dr. Haygarth to make the following conclusion.

'Except Mercury in the Syphilis, there are few or perhaps no examples where a remedy can produce such speedy relief and perfect recovery in so formidable a disease. For many years I have been thoroughly convinced that the peruvian bark has a much more powerful effect in the rheumatick than any other fever: and that it does not even cure an ague so certainly and so quickly. p. 91.

We are confident that this publication will be highly useful, and that it will serve to establish the practice which it so strongly recommends; yet it is necessary to observe, that the practice of administering the bark, in acute rheumatism, after sufficient evacuation has been secured, is by no means uncommon in the metropolis.

We regret that we are obliged to notice but briefly Dr. Haygarth's clinical history of the nodosity of the joints; a disease, which he conceives to be clearly distinguishable from all others, by symptoms manifestly different from the gout, and from both acute and chronic rheumatism. This disease appears to be almost peculiar to women, and chiefly affects the joints of the fingers. For further information respecting this most distressing and, we lament to say, frequent disease, we must refer our readers to Dr. Haygarth's correct history; especially since an opportunity will soon offer for making farther observations on this malady, in compliance with the urgent claim of this truly benevo→ lent and intelligent writer, who says,

'The faithful picture drawn from nature is here exhibited to excite the compassion and exertion of my professional brethren to prevent, if possible, so distressful a malady at its commencement. As the Nodes

at first produce but little pain or inconvenience, and are seldom or never dangerous, they rarely excite the notice which they deserve, and would obtain, if the patients were fully aware that this insidious disorder would continue for life, and would make every future day more unconfortable. pp. 157, 158.

It affords us considerable satisfaction to find that Dr. Hay garth proposes soon to publish similar records of his practice in the treatment of herpes or scorbutic eruptions, of indigestion, and of hypochondriacism: being of opinion that experience has suggested some important improvements in the method of curing these diseases,

Art. IV. Playfair's Inquiry into the permanent Causes of the Decline and Fall of powerful and wealthy Nations, &c. concluded from p. 332.

IN

N the next division of the work, Mr. P. proceeds to examine the nature and effects of interior causes of decline, which follow the possession of wealth. The increase of the riches of a country cannot but produce visible effects on the morals and manners of its inhabitants. Habits of industry become relaxed; imaginary wants are created; the number of idle members of society, whose chief occupation it is to invent new modes of dissipation and frivolity is increased, and thereby contagion is imparted, which, by degrees, corrupts the better principles of those who become exposed to its influence.

The effects of such a state of things is in no respect more evident, than in education. The end and the means are equally perverted. The nature of man, the design of his existence, his relations and obligations, especially towards the Supreme Being, are left in the shade; and the heir of immortality is treated as if he were merely an ephemeron sporting in the transient gleam of human life. There is frequently to be found, at the same time, a remarkable inattention to the appropriate qualifications of that sphere, which the pupil is destined to occupy, even in this state of things; and not seldom a glaring want of necessary qualifications in those, who take upon them the responsible office of instructors. Many of the author's observations, on these topics, are worthy of attention; and to remedy the evils complained of, it is recommended, that government employ its influence in establishing a proper mode of education, and in taking care that those who undertake that duty are sufficiently qualified to discharge it. For our part, we should be sorry to see any government of the present day, reducing theories of education to a law. We should not be content to commit the task of legislation on this subject, even to our enlightened author, One passage in his observations we must pointedly condemn, although some statesmen might be found, who would approve of it-reading and writing are of a very doubtful utility to the labouring class of society. This is a sentiment worthy of the sages who composed the decrees of the council of Trent; but it surely merits reprobation in every country, in which the Bible is translated into the vernacular tongue. Religion is not so much as named among the chief parts of education.' It may, indeed, be supposed to be included in the terms good principles','good habits,' but if so, it deserved, to say the least, a distinct mention.

The other interior causes of decline in nations, considered by the author, are those arising from increased taxation: from the

en

encroachments of public and privileged bodies; from the unequal division, and partial distribution of property; from the produce of the soil becoming insufficient for the sustenance of luxurious people; from the continual increase of the poor; and from the tendency which capital and industry have to leave a wealthy country. In treating of these topics the author displays much real philosophy, and knowledge of men and things. We are frequently struck with the accuracy of the traits given of present times, and tremble at inferences which he appears so naturally to draw. It cannot, we fear, be denied that all the causes just mentioned, are to be found strongly operating against the welfare of our country; and we think with even a more powerful moral effect than the author has ascribed to them.

That commercial prosperity, which has obtained us the distinction of a powerful and wealthy nation, resulted to us from causes apparently casual, and has been carried to its present pitch, by events altogether extraordinary. From the excessive increase of taxation, it is now, apparently, become necessary to our well-being, if not to our independence; and has obtained an importance, to which nothing is thought too sacred to be sacrificed. For its sake the principles of truth and justice are openly violated; the declared laws of heaven are infringed; and the plainest rights of humanity are trampled underfoot. Nay, we fear, that in the sight of God, commerce is with us an object of idolatry, as much as fire ever was with the inhabitants of the East. Nor is this done so tacitly as some may suppose. What is the language of those decisions, in our highest legislative assemblies, which declare that so corrupt a limb of our commerce as the Slave Trade shall be preserved, in pointed contradiction to the authority of God, and the declared end of his providential and moral government? Decisions such as these, passed by the constituted representatives of a nation, are formal acts by which national character is to be estimated, and may be appealed to, by the Almighty ruler, in the sight of all intelligent beings, as a justification of his severest judgements against a people professing to acknowledge his authority.

There are other points in our commercial and financial arrangements, which are making deep inroads on moral principle, upon which, could we find room to dilate, we should have reason to utter the voice of warning to our country. We can only hint at some of them; such as, the inducement to the destructive passion of gaming, held out by our lotteries; the natural transition to higher branches of it, to which our funded system yields such facilities; the impatient efforts to become rich, excited by the luxuriousness of the age, prompting to ruinous speculations, and abuses of credit; and the habitual violations of the solemnity, not to say verity, of oaths, which

our

our revenue laws, in every department, have a tendency to produce. The following extract adds another instance;

'When a nation becomes the slave of its revenue, and sacrifices every thing to that object, abuses that favour revenue are difficult to reform; but surely it would be well to take some mode to prevent the facility with which people get drunk, and the temptation that is laid to do so. The immense number of public houses, and the way in which they give credit, are undoubtedly, in part, causes of this evil. It would be easy to lessen the number, without hurting liberty, and it would be no injustice if publicans were prevented from legal recovery for beer or spirits consumed in their houses, in the same manner that payment cannot be enforced of any person under twenty-one years of age, unless for necessaries. There could be no hardship in this, and it would produce a great reform in the manners of the lower orders.' p. 226.

The external causes of decline in nations, originating in the envy and enmity of other countries, and manifested by rivalship in peace and open aggressions in war, are much more simple in their operations, and visible in their consequences.

The former of these kinds of hostility is among the refinements of modern times, and has been not inaptly called the war of the custom-house. When will men act towards each other upon the immutable principles of equity, and the war of rivalship, as of violence, be known no more!

The following extract will present the author's views of the manner and degree, in which the several causes enumerated affect our own country.

The power and wealth of Britain, according to the definition given at the beginning of this work, are founded not on conquests, extent of territory, superior population, or a more favourable soil or climate, or even in bravery; for in those it is but on a par with other nations. The only natural advantages of Britain are, its insular situation and the disposition of the people, and the excellent form of its government. From the two first have arisen that good government, commerce, and industry; and on those have arisen again a great naval power, and uncommon wealth. In arms, it does not appear that England is so powerful by land, in proportion as in former times: her power must then be considered as a naval power, and that founded principally on

commerce.

'As such then we have only to examine the foundation on which she stands, and find in what she is vulnerable.

We must first begin with the interior situation, to follow the same order that has been attended to in the rest of the work.

Changes of manners, habits of education, and the natural effects of luxury, are as likely to operate on the British empire, as on some others which they have destroyed.

From the unequal division of property, there is perhaps less danger, but from the employment of capital there is more than almost in any other nation.

From

From the abuses of law and public institutions and l'esprit de corps, we run a very great risk; more indeed than under an arbitrary government or even a republic. These last are the dangers that most seriously threaten a nation living under a mixed government.

As to the produce of the soil becoming unequal to the maintenance of a people addicted to luxurious habits, we have much also to fear from that the operation is begun, and its effects will soon be most serious; they are already felt, and very visible.

From taxation, unproductive and idle people, we have more to fear than most nations: and from an alteration in the manners of thinking, and persons and property leaving the nation, we have as much as any other nation, according to the degree of wealth that we possess; so that, upon the whole, the interior causes of decline are such as it is extremely necessary to guard against in the most attentive manner.

In respect to the exterior causes, we are exempt entirely from some, from others we are not; and, in one case, we have exterior causes for hope that no nation ever yet had.

The advancement of other nations, their enmity and envy, are full as likely to operate against this nation as against any other that ever existed; but as we owe none of our superiority to geographical situation like the Greek islands, the Delta of Egypt, and borders of the Mediterranean Sea, we run no risk of any discovery in geography, or in navigation, operating much to our disadvantage.' pp. 191-193.

Two chapters are occupied in considering the subject of the national debt and sinking-fund; and the taxes for the maintenance of the poor; a part of our internal oeconomy which loudly calls for revision and improvement. Mr. P. offers on these topics, some considerations worthy of the notice of those to whom the investigation properly belongs.

As lovers of our country, we are happy to find that, while we are exposed to the combined operation of the causes of decline, already enumerated, there are, in the opinion of Mr. P., counteracting causes peculiar to England itself. Our insular situation; the activity of the British character; the complete identity of our interests; the form of our government; the security of property; and we agree with him in adding,

The religious worship of the country, which, without any dispute or question, is greatly in its favour.

To speak nothing of the religious opinions or modes of worship in ancient times, there are three at present, that merit attention and admit of comparison.

The Christian religion is distinguished for raising men in character, and the Mahomedan for sinking them lower. Wherever the Mahomedan faith has extended, the people are degraded in their manners; and the governments despotic. The disposition of a Mahomedan king or emperor is more different in its nature, from that of a Christian sovereign, than the form of a hat is from that of a turban.' pp. 263, 264.

Amongst those who profess Christianity it has been remarked, by

all