as he was to the fufpenfion of the habeas corpus bill, he was ftill more averle to that purporting to be for the prevention of feditious meetings; because it invested magiftrates with powers, not only to prevent or difperfe feditious meetings, but alfo meetings of the moft legal and conftitutional nature. Mr. Curwen thought the meafure unneceffary. Sir F. Burdett confidered the report of the fecret committee as the juftification of a vote of credit, on the blood of the people of Ireland. But the plea of neceffity was reforted to; once admit that plea, and there was an end of all political and moral juftice, and national character. He could neither admit the plea nor the evidence of its existence. Mr. Grey alked what must be the nature of a confpiracy that had nothing to depend upon but the exertions of about twenty perfons, who were, at laft, liberated on the fufpenfion of the habeas corpus act, without ever having been brought to trial? For the crime of treafon, the law was fufficient. For the leffer offence, of giving caufe for fufpicion, the measure propofed was not neceffary. At any rate, it had not been ftated, that any detriment could accrue from allowing the houfe a little more time. If, in the prefent circumftances, there exifted a neceffity for the meafure propofed, when. Mr. Sheridan put the queftion, Would the people of this country be. fuffered to enjoy their conftitution? When the late miniftry, were hard preffed, they hatched plots, and found their heft ally in a plot-bag. It was a ftrengthening plafter to a weak-backed adminiftration. When three-fourths of the induftry of the country fubfifted on charity, did

the poor hungry populace ftrike a blow? what outrage had they com mitted, to warrant the fufpenfion of the habeas corpus act? It was the conduct of his majesty's difmiffed minifters that had brought the country to ruin; and now they acted towards his majefty's prefent ministers, on the principle of reciprocity, "Claw me, and I'll claw you.' Mr. Pitt had counfelled the prefent minifters, not to follow the counfels of the oppofition, but his own: they did fo; and hence their mutual complacency and praife. The propofed bill, gave his majefty's minifters a power to look round Great Britain, and lodge any man they thought proper in Coldbath-fields" prifon. Great vaunting had been in that houfe, and many congratu lations had taken place, on the con-' tempt entertained by the people for Jacobinifim. And yet the houfe was now called upon to fupprefs what it was fo lately told, did not exift in the country. He could not but confider the prefent measure as a pretext to make the fufpenfion permanent; becaule nothing in thofe times demanded it.

Mr. Horne Tooke faid, that the power now vefted in the hands of miniftry, did not proceed from fuch a bill as the prefent alone; almoft the whole of the conftitution was gone; and therefore more danger was likely to arife from trufting them with the fufpenfion of the habeas corpus. The freedom of the conflitution, and the fafety of the country, depended on the feparate diftribution of the various functions of government among diftinct bodies. now this diftribution was done away, and all the powers, both legiflative, judicial, and executive, were united in one hand, namely, that of

But

the

the minister of the crown; nor was

this all. The minifters of the crown had, to their other powers, added even the functions of jailors, and ubjected men to rigorous confinement without any charge. The prefent measure had been reprefented as a temporary measure. It was feven years, however, fince the measure had been first introduced. And a measure of that continuance, and which was now to be renewed, could not be called temporary. Nor was it poffible that a treasonable and dangerous confpiracy could laft fo long in any country.

Mr. Pelham's motion was fupported by Mr. Addington, the chan-, cellor of the exchequer, the folicitor general, Mr. Percival, Mr. Martin, and the attorney-general. Mr. Addington did once believe, that the remnant of diffatisfaction was fo fmall, that those measures, which were adopted by former parliaments, would not have been neceffary, at that period: but he now felt their neceffity: not because the fpirit of difaffection had increased, but that the spirit on which difaffection operated had increafed. That pirit of malignity which fought the ruin of all fubfifting fyftems of ørder, derived strength from public calamity. Difaffected perfons had been bufily endeavouring to turn the diftreffes of the people, arifing from the high price of provifions, into a difcontent toward the state, by which they were protected. Were the poor to be conciliated by telling them, that they had borne with admirable patience the difficulties and diftreffes which had fallen to their lot, but that now the legislature would leave them to the plots and contrivances of those who

had been endeavouring to work

their ruin?

Mr. Percival was not furprized that the arguments contained in the report of the committee had not produced any effect on the minds of the gentlemen on the other fide of the houfe, and particularly on that of fir Francis Burdett. They contemplated every thing through fo thick a mift of prejudice, that it was hardly poffible that gentlemen on the fide of miniftry could co-incide with them in their opinion. He did not mean to infinuate that gentlemen in that house were actu ated by the fame views as thofe out of it: but certainly the opinions given in the houfe had been productive of confiderable mifchief. He would appeal to fir Francis Burdett whether, if any of his friends were, by a report which he believed to be true, marked out for speedy affaffination, he should think it ne ceffary that evidence fhould be. brought of a specific attempt, be fore he detained the suspected?

Mr. Martin confidered the report of the Irish parliament as fufficient evidence of the existence of a confpiracy in England.

The attorney-general, convinced as he was, that, when confpiracies of the most dangerous fort were aiming at the deftruction of every thing that was dear and valuable to the country, and when the most licentious fyftems of French policy were in action, minifters would have been guilty of accelerating the ruin of the country, if they had not propofed the measure before them.

The bill was read, for the first time, without a divifion. A motion that the bill be now read a fecond time, on a divifion of the house, was

carried

arried by 190 votes against 34, and piffed. The blank for time was filled up with "During the continuance of the war, and for one, month after the figning of a definitive treaty of peace." The fedition bill to be continued for the fame time, alfo paffed and both were carried up to the lords for their

concurrence.

The bill for the fufpenfion of habeas corpus, on the fecond read ing, was oppofed by the earl of Moira, on the old ground, that no communication had been made, concerning it from the throne, and that no fufficient documents had been laid before the houfe of its receffity. Minifters had merely laid papers on the table without any meflage, thus avoiding all refponfibility with regard to the meaare to be brought forward, and hifting it from themselves to the committee. He could not take loofe statements as a fufficient ground for the fufpenfion of the habeas corpus act. Lord Holland reafoned to the fame effect. If fuch general statements were to juftify the houfe in adopting measures of this nature, he wished to know how far this principle was to be carried? The bill was defended by lord Boringdon, the ear! of Weftmoreland, Tord Hobart, and lord Grenville. Lord Weftmoreland defcribed the bill now under confideration as a measure of protection to the loyal, and of prevention and forbearance to the evil minded. Lord Grenville obferved, that the degree of proof required by noble lords, was incompatible with the very object of a committee of fecrecy, which was inftituted for the very purpofe of guarding against giving public information of the fources

from whence the evidence and in-, telligence were derived; which would counteract the end for which fuch committee was appointed. The bill was read a third time and. pafled.

House of lords, April 16. A fecret committee, confifting of eleven, was chofen by ballot, for taking into confideration the report of the fecret committee of the houfe of commons, and for the purpose of inveftigating papers and documents relpecting the proceedings of certain feditious perfons in Great Britain and Ireland. The report of this committee was prefented to the houfe, April 27. From this report it appeared that when the act for preventing feditious meetings had expired, the most stirring members of the London correfponding fociety, drew together at firft cautioufly, and in fmall parties, changing frequently their place of meeting. Various plans were formed for refuming and carrying on, with more fecurity, their former practices. Among other devices, it was refolved to aflume the name and appearance of a benefit fociety. İn this fociety many members of the former fociety were engaged. Others of the former fociety formed a fecret fociety, which, after it had attained a proper maturity, was announced to the benefit fociety, that had been established about three weeks and become numerous, by two perfons in the character of delegates from a fociety of emancipation, and defiring to know whether the pretended benefit fociety would connect itself with their fociety. The propofal was favourably received, and a meeting appointed, at which they should be furnished with the inftructions of

the

the plan of that fociety. The inftractions were to this effect-The members to be admitted by a teft, or declaration on oath, to be fworn on the Bible, when it could be produced; but it was obferved, that fince Paine's Age of Reafon, it was looked on as a mark of incivifm to keep a Bible. The perfons intrufted to fwear others, or, in the phrafe of the fociety, to initiate them, were termed conductors. They received a written appointment, with a printed inftruction, and printed declaration. Ten initiated were allotted to each conductor, who was to make a report of them at ftated times, to another officer called a fuperintendant, appointed over every ten conductors. To each fuperintendant a meffenger was affigned, by whom he was to communicate with the ExECUTIVE, the names and number of which executive were to be known only to themselves, or perhaps, to the meffengers: but they were fuppofed to be perfons of fuperior confequence. Signs were inftituted by which the members might know each other: but it did not diftinctly appear whether all the initiated, or only the conductors, were intrusted with the knowledge of the figns. The plan thus explained was fully approved, and the benefit fociety agreed to form, together with this, one indivifible fociety, under the name of United Britons. This affociation appeared to the committee to have taken place about the middle of March, 1801. In their general meetings they were fomewhat referved on the fubject of religion, for fear of frightening away perfons who had fome refpect for religion: which, the committee obferved, had happily been the cafe, and contributed to

7

the detection of their schemes. It appeared that one of the principal objects of their leaders had been to work upon all perfons whofe religious opinions differed from thofe of the establishment: for which purpose the general executive had recommended it in the ftrongest manner to their followers, to mix as much as poffible with fuch perfons, and, by concealing their own fentiments, which were averse to all religion, and feemingly adopting thofe of the perfons with whom they fhould communicate, to gain profelytes to their political defigns, and thus to promote the execution of their determined purpofe to overthrow the conftitution. In the confidential meetings of the initiated," however, they endeavoured to turn the people against religion, in order to overthrow the ftate through the church, obferving that, if there were no church, there would be no king. Among the most frequent fubjects treated in thofe confidential meetings of the initiated, were plans of infurrection to be excited on pretext of the high price of provifions, but directed to the fubversion of government, and the means for procuring arms of the most dangerous fpecies. The members were directed to frequent clubs where workmen and foldiers reforted; to appear there unconnected, and to hold oppofite fides on the questions they were inftructed to raife. Their purposes were of a more fanguinary complexion than the ordinary mif chiefs of a mob. For the cominittee had received particular information of the time and place, and of fome perfons attending the meeting within a very recent period, when a plan of aflaffinating certain members of parliament in their own houses,

formed

formed with no inconfiderable degree of contrivance, was proposed, and feemed to meet with the general acquiefcence of the company, that it would be meritorious.

It had alfo appeared to the committee, that focieties of a fimilar formation with this, fince the period when it had become generally known, that the act for preventing feditious meetings had expired, had been formed in various parts of the country, and, after the expiration of the act for fufpending the habeas cor pus, had affumed a bold, and daring alpect. Befides thefe places, where the operations of fuch focieties bad been known only to the vigilant attention of the magiftrates, and kept down by their prudence and firmnefs, a very dangerous confpiracy of a fimilar nature had manifeed itself in fome parts of the country, which, from all its forms, and habits, afforded the strongest prefumption of a mutual intercourfe between thofe confpirators, and the United Britons. The only apparent difference was, that the meeting in the country, being chiefly connected with manufacturers, was obliged to affume a more apparent concern for their intereft in regard to the dear'nefs of living, and oftenfibly aimed at the reduction of the price of provitions, or the increafe of the price of labour: whereas the fociety of United Britons, in London, did not hesitate to profefs their with to fruftrate every plan for the relief of the poor; the high price of provifions being moft favourable to their object of exciting infurrection. It was beyond all doubt that there fill exifted, in the dominions of the king's enemies, at least two establifhed committees of traitors to the united kingdom of Great Britain VOL. XLIII.

and Ireland, actively employed in carrying on correfpondence by their agents, with the leaders of the focieties, abetting them in the moft atrocious circumflances of the crimes they were meditating; and encouraging them by holding out hopes of invafion. Many of the united Irish, who either from the lenity of the Irish government, or their own apprehenfion of its juft leverity, had taken refuge there, by all the means they had been used to practise, ftimulated and inflamed the members of thofe meetings to a higher pitch of extravagance, and rendered it more necellary to fubject them to that control, which, in its former exercife, had been as useful to themfelves, as it had been falutary to the flate. For it was remarkable that no act of reftri&ion could be more truly preventive than the ftatute in queftion had proved to be; there having feldom occurred an occafion for enforcing the act during its continuance. It was, therefore, the decided and unanimous opinion of the committee, that the bill now referred to their confideration fhould be pafled into a law.

If we confidered it as our bufinefs, in this part of the prefent narrative, merely to fet forth the debates in parliament, or the cloquence, or reafoning on which the decifion of the principal queftions turned, we might have fpared our readers and ourselves a large portion of the detail into which we have followed committees and individuals, concerning the state of Ireland.

But in the circumftantial and picturefque defcript.ons, and the anecdotes into which both committees and individual members of parliament were induced to enter, a more lively and just view of the [N]

flate