in the Church, when, in denouncing unfaithful bishops, he speaks of those "who hunted the markets for gainful merchandise, and brought no aid1 to starving brethren in the Church." And in the treatise on Works and Alms (chap. xv.), he alludes to the primitive custom of contributing materials for the Agapé, and the Eucharist, which had apparently now developed into the offerings of bread and wine for the Eucharist only. "You are rich and wealthy, and think you that you celebrate the feast of the Lord, who are altogether negligent of the offering; who come into the Lord's house without a sacrifice, and take part out of that sacrifice which the poor has offered." 5 3 1 Non subvenire; v.l. esurientibus in ecclesia fratribus non subvenire. Cf. Justin, Apol. i. 65, τὸ συλλεγόμενον τῷ προεστωτι ȧTоri@ETαl. In Cyprian's time the "stipem menstrua die" of which Tertullian speaks in connection with the Agapé had apparently developed into a further organization for benefiting the clergy; cf. Ep. xxxix., "Presbyterii honorem designasse nos illis jam sciatis ut sportulis iisdem cum Presbyteris honorentur et divisiones mensurnas... partiantur." Cf. Ep. xxxiv., “a divisione mensurna contineant"; and Ep. i., "sportulantes fratres." 2 For Cyprian's references to the Eucharist, cf. Ep. i. 2, xvi. 3, lix. 10, lviii. 10, lxxv. 10. 3 Cf. on the Eulogia, chap. iv. + Dominicum, cf. supra, p. 101, and de Unit. Eccles. chap. xiv., "Dominicæ hostiæ veritatem per falsa sacrificia profanare.' 5 Cf. St August. (?), Sermones de Temp. 213, "Oblationes quæ in altario consecrantur offerte; erubescere debet homo idoneus si de aliena oblatione communicat." See Palmer's Origines, chap. iv. 8. We find, then, that in the middle of the third century the evidence of the separation of the Agapé from the Eucharist is quite clear in the West, and the similarity of the language used of the Agapé by Eastern and Western writers makes it probable that the general usage was the same in East and West. In both the Agapé is divided into public and private, in both the religious character of it is still marked, in both the thought of providing for the wants of the poor in connection with the Agapé is still kept in view. The remainder of the Christian literature of the third century does not seem to furnish any further important evidence on the subject of the Agapé. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Anatolius of Laodicea, Lactantius, and Methodius do not appear to refer to it.1 1 Anatolius (Paschal Canon, chap. x.) speaks of the unlawfulness of celebrating "the Lord's mystery of the Passover at any other time but on the Lord's Day, on which the resurrection of the Lord from death took place." Hippolytus (?) Fragm. in Proverb, ix. 1, speaks of "His Body and Blood, which are daily consecrated and offered (ἐπιτελοῦνται θυόμενα) on the mystical and divine table in memorial of the ever-to-be-remembered and first table of the mystical divine supper"—where the reference to the Eucharist alone is clear. Hippolytus (Hares. ix. 12) mentions Pope Zephyrinus' appointment of a curator over the cemetery at Rome (circ. A.D. 200), which indicates the registration of Christian communities at that date as collegia funeraticia. μeo' où (Victor) κοίμησιν Ζεφυρῖνος τοῦτον μεταγαγὼν ἀπὸ του ̓Ανθείου ἐς τὸ KOLμNTÝρLOV KATEσTηoev. See Hardy, ut infra, p. 194. The Sibylline Oracles are so obscure in their origin and date as not to be of much practical value for the purpose of this investigation; but, as a good many of the Christian portions are placed by Alexandre in the third century, I subjoin here what he considers to be their allusions or references to the Agapé. The first is in a kind of apostrophe to the "Godborn race" (of Christians): "But glorious children will bring honour to thee, a passage which recalls the words of Cyprian as to music in connection with these sacred feasts. The two next quotations-from the eighth book -Alexandre would associate with the preceding one as to date and authorship: "Mine image, the possessor of right reason, is Man.2 Or. v. 265. 1 ̓Αλλὰ σε κυδάλιμοι παῖδες περιτιμήσουσι, Καὶ μούσαις ἁγίαισιν ἐπιστήσουσι τράπεζαν. and dates at about the age of the Antonines. 2 Εικών ἐστ ̓ ἄνθρωπος ἐμὴ λόγον ὀρθὸν ἔχουσα, Or. viii. 402. This, according to Alexandre (Sib. Or. ii. 547) does not refer to the Eucharist, in spite of v. 408, καὶ ζῶσαν θυσίαν ταύτην τῷ ζῶντι πόριζε. For him do Thou set a table bloodless and pure Filling it with good things, and give bread to him that hungereth, Drink for him that thirsteth, dress for the body unclothed, By thine own toil providing with innocent contrivance." “ . . . Of the family of Christ Holy and heavenly born, of one blood we are called. Thee we are called to extol, Thee the Immortal and True, ἀλλ ̓ ἁγναῖς πράπιδεσσι γεγήθετες εὔφρονι θυμῷ (Or. viii. 497 ; cf. iv. 25, viii. 387.) CHAPTER IV the agapÉ IN CHURCH ORDINANCES N entering on this stage of the enquiry one is IN confronted by one of the most difficult and perplexing problems of Church history - the problem of the Apostolic Constitutions and their kindred literature. It would be obviously impossible to deal with this problem in general in an enquiry into one particular point, such as the history of the Agapé. All that can be done is to briefly summarise the present state of the question, and to put before the reader such information about the Agapé as the more important documents connected with this literature afford to us. The question is discussed at length in Funk's1 Die Apostolischen Konstitutionen (1891), and, less fully, by Mr Brightman (Liturgies i. Introduction); but for my immediate purpose it will be sufficient to quote the clear statement of Dr 1 Cf. also Harnack, Die Apostolischen Kirchenordnungen, and Achelis, Die Canones Hippolyti. |