this year, for the sake of order, both chronological and natural, in the first place to give some account of the proceedings and debates of this great national council; the only great council in Europe in which political affairs could be treated with freedom. The attention of parliament towards the close of the session was rouzed with equal importunity by the most unexpected events in the west of Europe: events which seemed to be as fortunate and bright, as those in the north and east had been disastrous and cloudy. Though therefore parliamentary affairs constitute only a secondary and subordinate part of the history of Europe, in the present case, they form a very natural bond of connexion between the great events of 1807 and those of 18O8.

The speech from the throne*, delivered by commission, turned as usual on the great public questions that would come under discussion in parliament; the most important of which were the expedition to Copenhagen; our relations with Russia, Austria, and Sweden; the departure of the royal family of Portugal for the Brazils; and the orders in council respecting neutral commerce. In the house of peers an address, in answer to his majesty's speech, was moved by the earl of Galloway, who recapitulated with great approbation its most prominent features. In the speech from the throne, their lordships had been informed, that soon after the treaty of Tilsit had announced the direliction of Russia, of the cause she bad espoused, his Majesty's ministers received the most positive information that it was the intention

As

of the enemy to compel the courts of Denmark and Portugal to subscribe their navies to a general coufederacy about to be formed against this country. This formidable combination had been frustrated with respect to Denmark by force of arms. The hostile sentiments of the court of Denmark, evinced in many ways for some years past, had rendered every other mode of proceeding useless. It was an unfortunate circumstance that the Danish fleet should be encircled by the walls of the capital, thereby causing misfortune which every human mind would wish to have avoided. But it was creditable to the arms of this country, and meritorious in the officers commanding the expedition, that every attempt was made to prevent that evil. soon as success had enabled us to judge for ourselves, every prediction of government had been verified. An arsenal was found to be over supplied with every article of equipment, magazines replete with stores, ascertained to have been purchased by agents of France, and demonstrations which could not escape the eye of seamen, that the fleet was on the eve of being fitted out. It was gratifying to reflect on the means that had been employed to secure the navy of Portugal from the grasp of France, by recommending to the court to transfer the seat of their government to the Brazils; to see one government of Europe preferring emigration to submission to France, an event from which, provided a strict friendship and liberal policy should be observed by both Britain and Portugal, the most beneficial results were to be

expected. It was gratifying also to reflect, that at the very moment when our merchants were deprived of their trade with Russia, so large a portion of the continent of America was thrown open to their enterprize. He hoped that we should become independent of Russia for ever. If the legislature of these kingdoms would grant a liberal bounty to encourage the cultivation of hemp and flax, both at home and in the British colonies, we might yet live to greet the day of our quarrel with Russia, and even bail with satisfaction the inauspicious treaty of Tilsit.

With respect to the other powers of Europe, lord Galloway observed, that with the single exception of Sweden, they were prostrate at the feet of France, and obedient to the mandates of their domineering master. But the conduct and spirit of the independent monarch of Sweden merited every eulogium. He trusted that a British force would aid him in the Baltic to defy his enemies, and that British gratitude would compensate any loss he might be obliged to suffer, by transferring to him some of those colonies we could so well spare, and must soon take from our joint foes. As to our dispute with the United States of America, local knowledge obtained by him at the early periods of the French revolution had enabled him to form a very decided opinion with respect to that country, and he was sorry to say, he could not form a flattering one; and he was happy to learn by the tenour of his majesty's speech, that it was not the intention of his majesty's government to concede one single point more to that illiberal and prejudiced people. "My lords," said

he, "we must make a stand somewhere, and where can we do it better than in defence of our seamen and our trade, which the Americans unequivocally demanded? If America prefer French alliance to British connection, it is not in your power to controul her choice, nor can you prevent that war which I do not wish to take place; but which, if it does take place, I am confident, if pursued by us with judgment and reference to the American character and situation, no man need to fear." But lord Galloway observed, our chief concern was with France; "She proclaims, my lords, that she will not lay down her arms, but will augment her force until she has conquered the liberty of the seas, the first right of all nations. In recommending to us an armed truce, which she calls a peace, she. says, it shall endure until she chooses to proclaim anew the principles of her armed neutrality," when she permits you to proclaim your principles of maritime law. Is this what you are willing to accept as your peace? Have we already forgot the peace of Amiens? Do we wish to see the seamen of France all restored, and the pendants of her ships going up, while ours will necessarily be coming down? My lords, although the arms of Europe may appear on the side of France, I cannot believe that her heart is against this country. If we remain firm and unappalled, as recommended by his majesty, and exemplified by himself, some balance may yet be preserved in Europe; if we yield, no man can forsee the consequences." The earl concluded by moving an address to his majesty, which, as [B 2]

usual,

usual, re-echoed the sentiments of the speech. This motion was seconded by lord Kenyon, who dwelt chiefly on the passage in the speech which related to the emigration of the court of Portugal to the Brazils, and the spirit with which ministers coulucted themselves in not surrendering the naval rights of this country to the Americans. The duke of Norfolk was sorry that it would be impossible for him to give his unqualified assent to the address as it stood. The speech from the throne declared, that it was with the deepest reluctance his majesty had found himself compelled to resort to the extremity of force against Denmark. Now the duke, looking in the most careful manner to the speech, did not perceive that it was in the contemplation of his majesty's servants to afford to the house any such information on the subject as should enable them to say that they saw reason for concurring in a declaration that there was a necessity for the measure. He was aware it would be said that every species of discretion should be observed in exposing matters of such delicacy. This principle, and the propriety of acting upon it, in most cases, he was far from disputing; but he thought it was carrying the doctrine too far to desire of that house to express their opinion of the necessity. of a measure of so extreme a nature, without the most distant tittle of evidence to justify it. His grace herefore moved, that the clause respecting the expedition to the Baltic, in the redress, should be omitted.

The amendment proposed was seconded by lord visount Sidmouth. The speech referred to the fact of his majesty having

been apprized of the intention of the enemy to combine the powers of the continent in one general confederacy, to be directed either to the entire subjugation of this kingdom, or to the imposing upon his majesty an insecure and inglorious peace; that for this purpose, states formerly neutral, were to be forced into hostility, and compelled to bring to bear against the different parts of his majesty's dominions, the whole of the naval force of Europe, and specifically the fleets of Portugal and Denmark. If this were really the case, it would be a complete justification of the conduct of this country, not only in our own eyes, but those of the whole world. For the moment a nation, meditates hostility against you, that is to be regarded as a declaration of war. But then, to give effect to this justification, some proof of its existence must be adduced. "A hostile disposition," it had been said, on the part of the Danish government towards this country, had manifested itself for the last seven years; and the fact of their having acceded to the views of France, was evident from the immense quantity of stores and ammunition found in their arsenals. Lord S. asked if it was consistent with human reason, or even with the words of the speech itself, in another paragraph, that the court of Denmark should be in amity with France at a time when France was carrying on hostilities against Russia? or if it could be supposed, that between the period of the battle which preceded the peace of Tilsit, and our attack on Copenhagen, these stores had been collected? Where then were the demonstrations of hostility manifested on the part of Denmark