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gentleman from Virginia, which I shall briefly | must be a most singular instrument! It seems notice is, that the manufacturing system is ad- | to be made for any other people than our own. verse to the genius of our government in its Its action is altogether foreign. Congress has tendency to the accumulation of large capitals power to lay duties and imposts, under no other in a few hands; in the corruption of the public limitation whatever than that of their being morals, which is alleged to be incident to it; uniform throughout the United States. But and in the consequent danger to the public lib- they can only be imposed, according to the erty. The first part of the objection would ap- honorable gentleman, for the sole purpose of ply to every lucrative business, to commerce, revenue. This is a restriction which we do not to planting, and to the learned professions. find in the constitution. No doubt revenue Would the gentleman introduce the system of was a principal object with the framers of the Lycurgus? If his principle be correct it should constitution in investing Congress with the be extended to any and every vocation which power. But, in executing it, may not the had a similar tendency. The enormous fortunes duties and imposts be so laid as to secure doin our country—the nabobs of the land-have mestic interests? Or is Congress denied all been chiefly made by the profitable pursuit of discretion as to the amount or the distribution that foreign commerce, in more propitious of the duties and impost: 1 times, which the honorable gentleman would The gentleman from Virginia has, however, so carefully cherish. Immense estates have entirely mistaken the clause of the constitution also been made in the South. The dependents on which we rely. It is that which gives to are, perhaps, not more numerous upon that Congress the power to regulate commerce with wealth which is accuinulated in manufactures foreign nations. The grant is plenary, without than they are upon that which is acquired by any limitation whatever, and includes the whole commerce and by agriculture. We may safely power of regulation, of which the subject to be confide in the laws of distribution, and in the regulated is susceptible. It is as full and comabsence of the rule of primogeniture, for the plete a grant of the power as that is to declare dissipation, perhaps, too rapid, of large fortunes. war. What is a regulation of commerce? It What has become of those which were held two implies the admission or exclusion of the object or three generations back in Virginia: Many of it, and the terms. Under this power, some of the descendants of the ancient aristocracy, articles, by the existing laws, are admitted as it was called, of that State, are now in the freely; others are subjected to duties so high as most indigent condition. The best security to amount to their prohibition, and various rates against the demoralization of society is the con- of duties are applied to others. Under this stant and profitable employment of its mem-power, laws of total pon-intercourse with some bers. The greatest danger to public liberty is nations, embargoes, producing an entire cessafrom idleness and vice. If manufactures formtion of commerce with all foreign countries, cities, so does commerce. And the disorders have been from time to time passed. These and violence which proceed from the contagion laws I have no doubt met with the entire approof the passions, are as frequent in one descrip-bation of the gentleman from Virginia. (Mr. tion of those communities as in the other. There Barbour said that he was not in Congress.) is no doubt but that the yeomanry of a country Wherever the gentleman was, whether on his is the safest depository of public liberty. In all farm or in the pursuit of that professsion of time to come, and under any probable direction which he is an ornament, I have no doubt that of the labor of our population, the agricultural he gave his zealous support to the laws reclass must be much the most numerous and ferred to. powerful, and will ever retain, as it ought to The principle of the system under consideraretain, a preponderating influence in our coun- tion has the sanction of some of the best and cils. The extent and the fertility of our lands wisest men, in all ages, in foreign countries as constitute an adequate security against an ex. well as in our own of the Edwards, of Henry cess in manufactures, and also against oppres- the Great, of Elizabeth, of the Colberts, abroad; sion, on the part of capitalists, toward the labor- of our Franklin, Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton, ing portions of the community.
at home. But it comes recommended to us by Eleventh. The last objection, with a notice a higher authority than any of these, illustrious of which I shall trouble the committee, is, that as they unquestionably are-by the masterthe constitution does not authorize the passage spirit of the age—that extraordinary man, who of the bill. The gentleman from Virginia does has thrown the Alexanders and the Cæsars innot assert, indeed, that it is inconsistent with finitely further behind himr than they stood in the express provisions of that instrument, but advance of the most eminent of their predeceshe thinks it incompatible with the spirit of the sors—that singular man who, whether he was constitution. If we attempt to provide for the seated on his imperial throne, deciding the fate internal improvement of the country, the con- of nations, and allotting kingdoms to the memstitution, according to some gentlemen, stands bers of his family, with the same composure, if in our way. If we attempt to protect American not with the same affection, as that with which industry against foreign policy and the rivalry a Virginia father divides his plantations among of foreign industry, the constitution presents his children, or on the miserable rock of St. an insuperable obstacle. This constitution Helena, to which he was condemned by the cruelty and the injustice of his unworthy vic-' “Industry or manufactures, and internal trade, tors, is equally an object of the most intense made immense progress during my reign. The admiration. He appears to have comprehended application of chemistry to the manufactures, with the rapidity of intuition, the true interests caused them to advance with giant strides. Í of a State, and to have been able, by the turn | gave an impulse, the effects of which extended of a single expression, to develope the secret throughout Europe. springs of the policy of cabinets. We find that “Foreign trade, which, in its results, is inLas Casas reports him to have said :
finitely inferior to agriculture, was an object of "He opposed the principles of economists, subordinate importance in my mind, Foreign which he said were correct in theory, though trade is made for agriculture and home industry, erroneous in their application. The political and not the two latter for the former. The inconstitution of different States, continued he, terests of these three fundamental cases are dimust render these principles defective; local | verging and frequently conflicting. I always circumstances continually call for deviations promoted them in their natural gradation, but from their uniformity. Duties, he said, which I could not and ought not to have ranked them were so severely condemned by political econo- all on an equality. Time will unfold what I mists, should not, it is true, be an object to the have done, the national resources which I cretreasury; they should be the guaranty and pro-ated, and the emancipation from the English tection of a nation, and should correspond with which I brought about. We have now the sethe nature and the objects of its trade. Hol- cret of the commercial treaty of 1783. France land, which is destitute of productions and still exclaims against its author; but the English manufactures, and which has a trade only of demanded it on pain of resuming the war. They transit and commission, should be free of all / wished to do the same after the treaty of Amiens, fetters and barriers. France, on the contrary, but I was then all-powerful; I was a hundred which is rich in every sort of production and cubits high. I replied, that if they were in posmanufactures, should incessantly guard against session of the heights of Montmartre I would the importations of a rival, who might still still refuse to sign the treaty. These words continue superior to her, and also against the cu- were echoed through Europe. pidity, egotism, and indifference of mere brokers. “The English will now impose some such
“I have not fallen into the error of modern treaty on France, at least, if popular clamor and systematizers," said the emperor, “who imagine the opposition of the mass of the nation, do not that all the wisdom of nations is centred in force them to draw back. This thraldom would themselves. Experience is the true wisdom of be an additional disgrace in the eyes of that nations. And what does all the reasoning of nation, which is now beginning to acquire a just economists amount to? They incessantly extol | perception of her own interests. the prosperity of England, and hold her up as “When I came to the head of the governour model; but the custom-house system is ment, the American ships, which were permore burdensome and arbitrary in England than mitted to enter our ports on the score of their in any other country. They also condemn pro- neutrality, brought us raw materials, and had hibitions; yet it was England set the example the impudence to sail from France without of prohibitions; and they are in fact necessary freight, for the purpose of taking in cargoes of with regard to certain objects. Duties cannot English goods in London. They, moreover, had adequately supply the place of prohibitions; the insolence to make their payments, when there will always be found means to defeat the they had any to make, by giving bills on perobject of the legislator. In France we are still sons in London. Hence the vast profits reaped very far behind on these delicate points, which by the English manufacturers and brokers, enare still unperceived or ill understood by the tirely to our prejudice. I made a law that no mass of society. Yet what advancement have American should import goods, to any amount, we now made; what correctness of ideas has without immediately exporting their exact been introduced by my gradual classification of equivalent. A loud outcry was raised against agriculture, industry, and trade; objects so dis- this: it was said that I had ruined trade. But tinct in themselves, and which present so great what was the consequence ? Notwithstanding and positive a graduation !
the closing of my ports and in spite of the Eng“First. Agriculture; the soul, the first basis lish who ruled the seas, the Americans returned of the empire.
and submitted to my regulations. What might “Second. Industry; the comfort and happi- I not have done under more favorable circumness of the population.
stances ? “Third, Foreign trade; the superabundance, “Thus I naturalized in France the manufacthe proper application, of the surplus of agricul- | ture of cotton, which includes, ture and industry.
“First, spun cotton. We did not previously “Agriculture was continually improved du- spin it ourselves; the English supplied us with ring the whole course of the revolution. For- | it, as a sort of favor. eigners thought it ruined in France. In 1814, "Secondly, the web. We did not yet make however, the English were compelled to admit it; it came to us from abroad. that we had little or nothing to learn from "Thirdly, the printing. This was the only them.
| part of the manufacture that we performed our. selves. I wished to naturalize the two first, then every thing should be done for then, which branches; and I proposed to the Council of would be done if it formed a distinct governState, that their importation should be pro- ment. If they come into absolute collision with hibited. This excited great alarm. I sent for the interests of another section, a reconciliation, Oberkamp, and I conversed with him a long if possible, should be attempted, by mutual contime. I learned from him, that this prohibition cession, so as to avoid a sacrifice of the proswould doubtless produce a shock, but that, after perity of either to that of the other. In such a a year or two of perseverance, it would prove case, all should not be done for one which & triumph, whence we should derive im- would be done, if it were separated and indemense advantages. Then I issued my decree pendent, but something; and, in devising the in spite of all; this was a true piece of states- measure, the good of each part and of the whole, manship.
should be carefully consulted. This is the only “I at first confined myself merely to pro- mode by which we can preserve, in full vigor, hibiting the web; then I extended the prohi- the harmony of the whole Union. The South bition to spun cotton; and we now possess, entertains one opinion, and imagines that a within ourselves, the three branches of the cot- | modification of the existing policy of the counton manufacture, to the great benefit of our try, for the protection of American industry, population, and the injury and regret of the involves the ruin of the South. The North, English ; which proves that, in civil govern the East, the West, hold the opposite opinion, ment, as well as in war, decision of character is and feel and contemplate in a longer adherence often indispensable to success."
to the foreign policy, as it now exists, their I will trouble the committee with only one utter destruction. Is it true, that the interests other quotation, which I shall make from Lowe; of these great sections of our country are irreand from hearing which, the committee must concilable with each other? Are we reduced share with me in the mortification which I felt to the sad and afflicting dilemma of determining on perusing it. That author says, “It is now which shall fall a victim to the prosperity of above forty years since the United States of the other? Happily, I think, there is no such America were definitely separated from us, and distressing alternative. If the North, the West, since, their situation has afforded a proof that and the East, formed an independent state, unthe benefit of mercantile intercourse may be associated with the South, can there be a doubt retained, in all its extent, without the care of that the restrictive system would be carried to governing, or the expense of defending, these the point of prohibition of every foreign fabrio once regretted provinces." Is there not too of which they produce the raw material, and much truth in this observation? By adhering which they could manufacture? Such would to the foreign policy which I have been discus- be their policy, if they stood alone; but they sing, do we not remain essentially British, in are fortunately connected with the South, which every thing but the form of our government? | believes its interests to require a free admission Are not our interests, our industry, our com- of foreign manufactures. Here then is a case merce, so modified as to swell British pride, and for mutual concession, for fair compromise. The to increase British power
bill under consideration presents this comproMr. Chairman, our confederacy comprehends, mise. It is a medium between the absolute exwithin its vast limits, great diversity of inter- clusion and the unrestricted admission of the ests; agricultural, planting, farming, commer- produce of foreign industry. It sacrifices the cial, navigating, fishing, manufacturing. No interest of neither section to that of the other ; one of these interests is felt in the same degree, neither, it is true, gets all that it wants, por is and cherished with the same solicitude, through subject to all that it fears. But it has been said out all parts of the Union. Some of them are that the South obtains nothing in this compropeculiar to particular sections of our common mise. Does it lose any thing? is the first quescountry. But all these great interests are con- tion. I have endeavored to prove that it does fided to the protection of one government to not, by showing that a mere transfer is effected the fate of one ship-and a most gallant ship it in the source of the supply of its consumption is, with a noble crew. If we prosper, and are from Europe to America, and that the loss, happy, protection must be extended to all; it is whatever it may be, of the sale of its great due to all. It is the great principle on which staple in Europe, is compensated by the new obedience is demanded from all. If our essen- market created in America. But does the South tial interests cannot find protection from our really gain nothing in this compromise? The own government against the policy of foreign consumption of the other sections, though somepowers, where are they to get it? We did not what restricted, is still left open by this bill, to unite for sacrifice, but for preservation. The foreign fabrics purchased by southern staples. inquiry should be, in reference to the great in- So far its operation is beneficial to the South, terests of every section of the Union (I speak | and prejudicial to the industry of the other secnot of minute subdivisions), what would be tions, and that is the point of mutual concession. done for those interests if that section stood The South will also gain by the extended conalone and separated from the residue of the sumption of its great staple, produced by an republic? If the promotion of those interests increased capacity to consume it in consequence would not injuriously affect any other section, of the establishment of the home market. But the South cannot exertits industry and enter-, wherever situated, active, animated, and thrifty, prise in the business of manufactures! Why rather than persevere in a course which renders not? The difficulties, if not exaggerated, are us subservient to foreign industry? But these artificial, and may, therefore, be surmounted. benefits are twofold, direct, and collateral, and, But can the other sections embark in the plant- in the one shape or the other, they will diffuse ing occupations of the South? The obstructions themselves throughout the Union. All parts of which forbid them are natural, created by the the Union will participate, more or less, in both. immutable laws of God, and, therefore, uncon- | As to the direct benefit, it is probable that the querable.
North and the East will enjoy the largest share. Other and animating considerations invite us But the West and the South will also participate to adopt the policy of this system. Its impor- in them. Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Richtance, in connection with the general defence in mond, will divide with the northern capitals the time of war, cannot fail to be duly estimated. business of manufacturing. The latter city Need I recall to our painful recollection the unites more advantages for its successful prose sufferings, for the want of an adequate supply cution than any other place I know, Zanesof absolute necessaries, to which the defenders ville, in Ohio, only excepted. And where the of their country's rights and our entire popula- direct benefit does not accrue, that will be ention, were subjected during the late war? Or joyed of supplying the raw material and provito remind the committee of the great advantage sions for the consumption of artisans. Is it not of a steady and unfailing source of supply, un-most desirable to put at rest and prevent the affected alike in war and in peace? Its impor- annual recurrence of this unpleasant subject, so tance, in reference to the stability of our Union, well fitted, by the various interests to which it that paramount and greatest of all our interests, appeals, to excite irritation and to produce discannnot fail warmly to recommend it, or at content ? Can that be effected by its rejection? least to conciliate the forbearance of every pa- Behold the mass of petitions which lie on our triot bosom. Now our people present the spec- table, earnestly and anxiously entreating the tacle of a vast assemblage of jealous rivals, all protection interposition of Congress against the eagerly rushing to the sea-board, jostling each ruinous policy which we are pursuing. Will other in their way, to hurry off to glutted foreign these petitioners, comprehending all orders of markets the perishable produce of their labor. society, entire States and communities, public The tendency of that policy, in conformity to companies and private individuals, spontanewhich this bill is prepared, is to transform these ously assembling, cease in their humble prayers competitors into friends and mutual customers; by your lending a deaf ear? Can you expect and, by the reciprocal exchanges of their respec- that these petitioners and others, in countless tive productions, to place the confederacy upon numbers, that will, if you delay the passage of the most solid of all foundations, the basis of this bill, supplicate your mercy, should contemcommon interest. And is not government called plate their substance gradually withdraw to forupon, by every stimulating motive, to adapt its eign countries, their ruin slow, but certain and policy to the actual condition and extended as inevitable as death itself, without one expirgrowth of our great republic? At the com- / ing effort? You think the measure injurious to mencement of our constitution, almost the you; we believe our preservation depends upon whole population of the United States was con- its adoption. Our convictions, mutually honest, fined between the Alleghany mountains and the are equally strong. What is to be done? I Atlantic ocean. Since that epoch, the western invoke that saving spirit of mutual concession part of New York, of Pennsylvania, of Virginia, under which our blessed constitution was formall the western States and Territories, have been ed, and under which alone it can be happily principally peopled. Prior to that period we administered. I appeal to the South—to the had scarcely any interior. An interior has high-minded, generous, and patriotic South sprung up, as it were by enchantment, and -with which I have so often co-operated, in along with it new interests and new relations, attempting to sustain the honor and to vindirequiring the parental protection of government. cate the rights of our country. Should it not Our policy should be modified accordingly, so offer, upon the altar of the public good, some as to comprehend all, and sacrifice none. And sacrifice of its peculiar opinions? Of what does are we not encouraged by the success of past it complain? A possible temporary enhanceexperience, in respect to the only article which ment in the objects of consumption. Of what has been adequately protected ? Already have do we complain ? A total incapacity, produced the predictions and the friends of the American by the foreign policy, to purchase, at any price, system, in even a shorter time than their most necessary foreign objects of consumption. In sanguine hopes could have anticipated, been such an alternative, inconvenient only to it, completely realized in regard to that article ; ruinous to us, can we expect too much from and consumption is now better and more cheaply Southern magnanimity? The just and confisupplied with coarse cottons, than it was under dent expectation of the passage of this bill has the prevalence of the foreign system.
flooded the country with recent importations of Even if the benefits of the policy were limited foreign fabrics. If it should not pass, they will to certain sections of our country, would it not complete the work of destruction of our domestic be satisfactory to behold American industry, I industry. If it should pass, they will prevent any considerable rise in the price of foreign experience to suggest, in future, the necessary commodities, until our own industry shall be amendments. able to supply competent substitutes.
We have had great difficulties to encounter. To the friends of the tariff I would also anx- First, the splendid talents which are arrayed in iously appeal. Every arrangement of its pro- this House against us. Second, we are opposed visions does not suit each of you; you desire by the rich and the powerful in the land. Third, some further alterations; you would make it the executive government, if any, affords us but perfect. You want what you will never get. a cold and equivocal support. Fourth, the imNothing human is perfect. And I have seen, porting and navigating interest, I verily believe with great surprise, a piece signed by a member from misconception, are adverse to us. Fifth, of Congress, published in the National Intelli- the British factors and the British influence are gencer,” stating that this bill must be rejected, inimical to our success. Sixth, long-established and a judicious tariff brought in as its substi- habits and prejudices oppose us. Seventh, the tute.
reviewers and literary speculators, foreign and A judicious tariff! No member of Congress domestic. And, lastly, the leading presses of could have signed that piece; or, if he did, the the country, including the influence of that public ought not to be deceived. If this bill do which is established in this city, and sustained not pass, unquestionably no other can pass at by the public purse. this session, or probably during this Congress. From some of these, or other causes, the bill And who will go home and say, that he rejected may be postponed, thwarted, defeated. But all the benefits of this bill, because molasses has the cause is the cause of the country, and it been subjected to the enormous additional duty must and will prevail. It is founded in the of five cents per gallon? I call, therefore, upon interests and affections of the people. It is as the friends of the American policy, to yield native as the granito deeply imbosomed in our somewhat of their own peculiar wishes, and not mountains. And, in conclusion, I would pray to reject the practicable in the idle pursuit after God, in his infinite mercy, to avert from our the unattainable. Let us imitate the illustrious country the evils which are impending over it, example of the framers of the Constitution, and and, by enlightening our councils, to conduct us always remembering that whatever springs from into that path which leads to riches, to greatman partakes of his imperfections, depend upon lness, to glory.
ADDRESS TỌ LAFAYETTE.
This address was delivered by Mr. Olay, on, they have been, do not constitute the only mothe occasion of the presentation of General La- tive of the respect and admiration which the
House of Representatives entertain for you. fayette to the House of Representatives of the
Your consistency of character, your uniform United States, on the tenth of December, 1824. devotion to regulated liberty, in all the vicissi
tudes of a long and arduous life, also commands GENERAL: The House of Representatives of its admiration. During all the recent convulthe United States, impelled alike by its own sions of Europe, amid, as after the dispersion feelings, and by those of the whole American of, every political storm, the people of the people, could not have assigned to me a more United States have beheld you, true to your old gratifying duty than that of presenting to you principles, firm and erect, cheering and anicordial congratulations upon the occasion of mating with your well-known voice, the votayour recent arrival in the United States, in ries of liberty, its faithful and fearless champion, compliance with the wishes of Congress, and to ready to shed the last drop of that blood which assure you of the very high satisfaction which here you so freely and nobly spilled, in the same your presence affords on this early theatre of holy cause. your glory and renown. Although but few of The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, the members who compose this body shared that Providence would allow the patriot, after with you in the war of our Revolution, all have, death, to return to his country, and to contemfrom impartial history, or from faithful tradi- | plate the intermediate changes which had taken tion, a knowledge of the perils, the sufferings, place; to view the forests felled, the cities built, and the sacrifices, which you voluntarily en- the mountains levelled, the canals cut, the highcountered, and the signal services, in America ways constructed, the progress of the arts, the and in Europe, which you performed for an in-advancement of learning, and the increase of fant, a distant, and an alien people; and all feel population. General, your present visit to the and own the very great extent of the obligations United States is a realization of the consoling under which you have placed our country. But object of that wish. You are in the midst of the relations in which you have ever stood to posterity. Every where, you must have been the United States, interesting and important as struck with the great changes, physical and