particular-a short time will probably show the grounds of my belief.

But, sir, among the reasons for prosecuting the invasion of Canada, one has been gravely stated of a very peculiar kind. Canada, says a gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) should be invaded to protect our frontiers and seaboard from invasion-it is the most economical and effectual method of defence. Although this consideration presents nothing very splendid to our view, yet it would be worth all other reasons for the invasion, if it were founded on fact. But ask the people on your frontiers and on your seaboard, and what will they say?

Canada alone which endangers them—the most effectual defence to them would be an abandonment of your scheme. Sir, an invasion of the United States, but for the purpose of diverting your forces from Canada, or retorting on you the distresses of war, cannot enter into the scheme of British or Canadian policy. It is not to be prosecuted, but at vast inconvenience and expense, with great loss of useful soldiers, under a certainty of ultimate failure, and without hope of glory or gain. The Canadian yeomanry, freed from the terrors of invasion, will cheerfully resume their peaceful occupationsand such of the British regulars as are not required for ordinary garrison duty, instead of being employed in a miserable, predatory, yet destructive border warfare, will be sent to mingle in the European strife, where renown and empire are the mighty stake. Surely this is emphatically the age and the government of paradox. A war for "free trade" is waged by embargo and prohibition of all commercial intercourse-" sailors' rights" are secured by imprisoning them at home, and not permitting them to move from place to place within their prison, but by a license from a collector like a negro's pass, and obtained on the security of a bondsman-and our frontiers and sea-board are to be defended by an invasion of Canada, which can alone endanger an attack?

unrestrained choice! And to give vigor to the nation, we are to admit into its councils, and into a free participation of its power men whose dislike of its government has been strengthened into abhorrence by the exasperations of war, and all whose affections are fixed upon its enemy! But at all events you are to keep the Canadas. What then will you do about sailor's rights? You will not be a jot nearer to them then than you are now. How will you procure them or seek to procure them? Will you then begin in good earnest to protect or obtain them by naval means? Would it not be advisable to attend to this declared object of the war now rather than wait until after the Canadian-They will tell you that it is the invasion of scheme is effected? Perhaps you mean to keep Canada and abandon sailors' rights-if so, why not avow to the people that it is conquest you fight for and not right? But perhaps it is designed when the conquest is effected to give it back to Britain as an equivalent for the cession, on her part, of some maritime right-for the privilege that our ships shall not be searched for British sailors. On this question you may make an arrangement practically securing all we ought now to contend for. You will I hope make it in the pending negotiation. But that by a surrender of Canada after it is conquered you may purchase from her a disavowal or relinquishment of the right, no man can believe who understands either the views or the prejudices of that people. They believe the right essential to their naval existence, to deter their seamen from general desertion. All classes in that country so regard it—we know there is not a difference of opinion among any description of politicians in the kingdom upon this subject. If they have any jealousy of you, (and I believe some of them have,) it is not a jealousy of your territorial extent-but of your fitness to become their commercial and naval rival. Can it be believed then that they would compromise in a surrender of a claim, which surrendered, in their judgment, weakens them and invigorates you, where alone they are apprehensive of a competition, for the sake of preventing an accession to the territory which extends your limits, while it takes away from your strength? Indulge no such delusion. Were Canada a thousand times more important to Britain than it is, it were yet of less value than her naval power. For the sake of it she would never yield a principle on which that naval power depends. No, sir, the return of conquered Canada, even with the hoped for agency in our favor of the Russian Emperor, would not weigh a feather in the scale against what she deems her first great national interest. As it regards, too, these fancied exertions of Russia in our favor, gentlemen surely deceive themselves. However attached Russia may be to the most liberal principles of commercial intercourse she never will array herself against the right of the sovereign to compel the services of his sea-faring subjects. On this head her policy is not less rigorous (to say the least) than that of England-I will not be more

But the real efficient argument for perseverance in the scheme of Canadian conquest, has been given by the gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Grundy.) We made the war on Britain, says the gentleman, and shall we restrict ourselves to defensive measures? For what purpose was war declared, if we do nothing against the possessions of the enemy? Yes, sir, it is the consideration that this war was originally offensive on our side, that creates the, I fear, insuperable obstacle to our discontinuance of it. It were vain to lament that gentlemen are under the influence of feelings which belong to human nature. It would be idle to declaim against the sinfulness or the folly of false pride. All must admit that it is one of the greatest efforts of magnanimity to retract a course publicly taken, and on the correctness of which reputation is staked. If honorable gentlemen could but perceive that this difficulty is one of pride only, and of pride opposing their country's best in.

terests, I know that they could, and believe
many of them would, make the effort. Painful
as may be the acknowledgment of political
error, yet, if they clearly saw that either this
humiliation must be endured, or the nation
ruined, they could not hesitate in their choice
between such alternatives. But, sir, I wish not
to present such alternatives to their election.
So difficult is it to produce a conviction, against
which the pride of our heart rebels, that I will
not attempt it. Gentlemen are not called on to
retract. They may now suspend the execution
of their scheme of invasion, without an acknow-
ledgment of its error. They may now, without
humiliation, restrict themselves to defence, al-
though the war was in its origin offensive. A
second favorable opportunity is presented of re-
storing tranquillity to our once happy coun-
try: the first, the revocation of the orders in
council, was suffered to pass unimproved. Let
not this be lost-a third may not shortly occur.
Your enemy has invited a direct negotiation for
the restoration of peace. Your executive has
accepted the offer, and ministers have been ap-
pointed to meet the commissioners of the
site party. This circumstance ought to produce
an entire and essential change in your policy.
If the executive be sincere in the acceptance of
this proposition, he must have acted on the
hope that an amicable adjustment of differences
might be made. And while there is such a
hope, such a prospect, on what principle can
you justify invasion and conquest? Force is
the substitute, not the legitimate coadjutor of
negotiation: nations fight because they cannot
treat. Every benevolent feeling and correct
principle is opposed to an effusion of blood, and
an extension of misery, which are hoped to be
unnecessary. 'Tis necessity alone which fur-
nishes their excuse: do not, then, at the mo-
ment when you avow a belief, a hope at least,
that such necessity exists not, pursue a conduct
which, but for its existence, is inhuman and de-
testable.

great source of military strength, than to her territories. The blow aimed at her recoils upon yourselves. But the exasperations which must result from the wrongs mutually inflicted in the course of the campaign, may have a very injurious effect upon the disposition to pursue pacific efforts. They will be apt to create a temper on each side, unfavorable to an amicable arrangement. In truth, too, sir, you are not prepared for such a campaign, as in honor and humanity you can alone permit yourselves to carry on. Suppose by the month of May or June you raise your men-what are they? Soldiers, fitted to take care of themselves in camp, and support the reputation of your arms in the field? No-they are a mere rabble of raw recruits. March them to Canada, and pestilence will sweep them off by regiments and brigades-while the want of discipline will unfit those whom pestilence spares for an honorable contest with an experienced foe. Instead, therefore, of the hurry and bustle of filling your ranks with recruits, and rushing with them into Canada, attend rather to the training and imoppo-provement of those now in service. Make soldiers of them-by gradual enlistments you may regularly add to their number, and insensibly incorporate the new levies with the disciplined troops. If it should hereafter become necessary to march into the field, you will then have an army under your command, not a multitude without subordination. Suspend, therefore, hostilities while you negotiate. Make an armistice until the result of the negotiation is ascertained. You can lose nothing-you may gain every thing by such a course. Then negotiate fairly, with a view to obtain for your native seamen a practical and reasonable security against impressment-and with a disposition to aid Britain in commanding the services of her own. Such an arrangement might have been made on the revocation of the orders in council, could you have been then satisfied with any thing short of an abandonment of the British claim to search. I doubt not but that it may now be made-more you probably cannot obtain. The time may come when, with greater effect, you can prefer, if necessary, higher claims. All is hazarded by precipitately urging more than your relative strength enables you to enforce. Permit your country to grow-let no just right be abandoned. If any be postponed, it may be advanced at a more opportune season, with better prospect of success. If you will quit this crusade against Canada, and seek peace in the spirit of accommodation-and (permit me to add) if you will forego your empiric schemes of embargo and commercial restrictions-you will restore harmony at home, and allay that widespread, and in some places alarming spirit of discontent that prevails in our land. And if your pacific efforts fail, if an obstinate and implacable foe will not agree to such a peace as the country can with credit accept, then appeal to the candor and spirit of your people for a constitutional support, with a full assurance

Besides, sir, if you are earnest in the wish to obtain peace from the Gottenburg mission, suspend in the mean time offensive operations, which cannot facilitate, and may prevent the accomplishment of your object. Think you that Britain is to be intimidated by your menaced invasion of her territories? If she had not learned by experience how harmless are your threats, she would nevertheless see but little cause for fear. She knows that the conquest cannot be completed in one, nor in two campaigns. And when she finds that every soldier whom you enlist is to cost you in bounty alone upwards of 100 guineas,* she will perceive that the war is more destructive to your finance, the

* Ine bounty to each soldier was one hundred and twentyfour dollars, cash, and one hundred and sixty acres of land, which, at two dollars per acre, was three hundred and twenty dollars-in all, four hundred and forty-four dollars, besides the eight dollars per man to the recruiting agent.

that such an appeal, under such circumstances, | party, wherever found, never will meet with cannot be made in vain. an advocate in me. It is a most calamitous It is time, Mr. Chairman, that I should re- scourge to our country-the bane of social enloase you from the fatigue of hearing me.joyment, of individual justice, and of public There is but one more topic to which I solicit virtue-unfriendly to the best pursuits of man, your attention. Many admonitions have been his interest and his duty-it renders useless, or addressed to the minority, by gentlemen on the even pernicious, the highest endowments of in ministerial side of this House, not without tellect, and the noblest dispositions of the soul merit, and I hope not without edification, on But, sir, whatever may be the evils necessarily the evils of violent opposition and intemperate inherent in its nature, its ravages are then most party spirit. It is not to be denied that oppo- enormous and desolating when it is seated on sition may exceed all reasonable bounds and a the throne of power, and vested with all the minority become factious. But when I hear it attributes of rule. I mean not to follow the seriously urged that the nature of our govern- gentleman from South Carolina over the classic ment forbids that firm, manly, active opposi- ground of Greece, Carthage, and Rome, to retion, which in countries less free is salutary and fute his theory, and show that not to vehement necessary, and when I perceive all the dangers opposition, but to the abuse of factious and inof faction apprehended only on the side of a tolerant power their doom is to be attributed. minority, I witness but new instances of that Nor will I examine some more modern instanwonderful ductility of the human mind, which, ces of republics whose destruction has the same in its zeal to effect a favorite purpose, begins origin. The thing is no longer matter of discuswith the work of self-deception. Why, sir, sion. It has passed into a settled truth in the will not our form of government tolerate or science of political philosophy. One who on require the same ardor of constitutional oppo- a question of historical deduction, of political sition, which is desirable in one wherein the theory," is entitled to high respect, has given chief magistrate is hereditary? Because," us an admirable summary of the experience of says the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. republics on this interesting inquiry. In the Calhoun,) "in a monarchy the influence of the tenth number of the Federalist, written by Mr. executive and his ministers requires continual Madison, we find the following apt and judivigilance, lest it obtain too great a preponder- cious observations :-"By a faction, I underance; but here the executive springs from the stand a number of citizens whether amounting people, can do nothing without their support, to a majority or minority of the whole, who and cannot, therefore, overrule and control the are united and actuated by some common impublic sentiment." Sir, let us not stop at the pulse of passion or of interest adverse to the surface of things. The influence of the execu- rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and tive in this country, while he retains his aggregate interests of the community." popularity, is infinitely greater than that of a limited monarch. It is as much stronger as the spasm of convulsion is more violent than the voluntary tension of a muscle. The warmth of feeling excited during the contest of an election, and the natural zeal to uphold him whom they have chosen, create, between the executive and his adherents, a connection of "passion"-while the distribution of office and emolument adds a communion of "interest which combined, produce a union almost indissoluble. Support the administration" becomes a watch-word, which passes from each chieftain of the dominant party to his subalterns, and thence to their followers in the ranks, till the President's opinion becomes the criterion of orthodoxy, and his notions obtain a dominion over the public sentiment, which facilitates the most dangerous encroachments, and demands the most jealous supervision. In proportion as a government is free, the spirit of bold inquiry, of animated interest in its measures, and of firm opposition where they are not approved, becomes essential to its purity and continuance. And he who in a democracy or republic attempts to control the will of the popular idol of the day, may envy the luxurious ease with which ministerial oppressions are opposed and thwarted in governments which are less free. Intemperance of

The inference to which we are brought is, that the "causes" of faction cannot be removed; and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its "effects." If a faction consists of less than a majority, relief is supplier by the republican principle which enables the majority to defeat its sinister views by regular vote. It may clog the administration, it may convulse the society, but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the forms of the constitution. "When a majority is included in a faction, the form of popular government on the other hand enables it to sacrifice to its ruling passion or interest, both the public good, and the rights of other citizens. To secure the public good and private rights against the dangers of such a faction, and at the same, time to preserve the spirit and the form of popular government, is then the great object to which our inquiries are directed. Let me add that it is the great desideratum by which alone this form of government can be rescued from the opprobrium under which it has so long labored, and be recommended to the esteem and adoption of mankind."

If this doctrine were then to be collected from the history of the world, can it now be doubted since the experience of the last twentyfive years? Go to France, once revolutionary, now Imperial France, and ask her whether,

factious power, or intemperate opposition, be | your anger or your weakness, and are sure to the more fatal to freedom and happiness? generate a spirit of "moral resistance" not Perhaps at some moment when the eagle easily to be checked or tamed. Give to presieye of her master is turned away, she may dential views constitutional respect, but suffer whisper to you to behold the demolition of them not to supercede the exercise of independLyons, or the devastation of La Vendee. Per- ent inquiry. Encourage instead of suppresshaps she will give you a written answer: ing fair discussion, so that those who approve Draw near to the once fatal lamp-post, and by may not at least have a respectful hearing. its flickering light, read it as traced in charac- Thus, without derogating a particle from the ters of blood that flowed from the guillotine. energy of your measures, you would impart a "Faction is a demon! Faction out of power, tone to political dissensions which would deis a demon enchained! Faction, vested with prive them of their acrimony, and render them the attributes of rule, is a Moloch of destruc- harmless to the nation. tion!"

The nominal party distinctions, sir, have beSir, if the denunciations which gentlemen come mere cabalistic terms. It is no longer a have pronounced against factious violence, are question whether according to the theory of not merely the images of rhetoric pomp-if our constitution, there is more danger of the they are, indeed, solicitous to mitigate the ran- federal encroaching on the State Governments, cor of party feuds in the sincerity of my or the democracy of the State Governments soul I wish them success. It is melancholy to paralyzing the arm of federal power-Federalism behold the miserable jealousies and malignant and democracy have lost their meaning. It is suspicions which so extensively prevail, to the now a question of commerce, peace, and union destruction of social comfort, and the imminent of the States. On this question, unless the honperil of the republic. On this subject I have esty and intelligence of the nation shall confedreflected much, not merely in the intervals sto- erate into one great American party, disdaining len from the bustle of business, or the gaieties petty office-keeping and office-hunting views, of amusement, but in the moments of "depres-defying alike the insolence of the popular prints, sion and solitude," the most favorable to the the prejudices of faction, and the dominion of correction of error. For one I am willing to executive influence-I fear a decision will be bring a portion of party feeling and party pre- pronounced fatal to the hopes, to the existence judice, as an oblation at the shrine of my coun- of the nation. In this question I assuredly have try. But no offering can avail any thing if not a very deep interest-but it is the interest of a made on the part of those who are the political citizen only. My public career I hope will not favorites of the day. On them it is incumbent continue long. Should it please the Disposer of to come forward and set the magnanimous ex- events to permit me to see the great interests ample. Approaches or concessions on the side of this nation confided to men who will secure of the minority would be misconstrued into in- its rights by firmness, moderation and impardications of timidity or of a hankering for tiality abroad, and at home cultivate the arts of favor. But a spirit of conciliation arising from peace, encourage honest industry in all its "those ranks" would be hailed as the harbin- branches, dispense equal justice to all classes of ger of sunny days, as a challenge to liberality, the community, and thus administer the governand to a generous contention for the public ment in the true spirit of the constitution, as a weal. This spirit requires not any departure trust for the people, not as the property of a from deliberate opinion, unless it is shown to party, it will be to me utterly unimportant by be erroneous-such a concession would be a what political epithet they may be characterdereliction of duty. Its injunctions would be ized. As a private citizen grateful for the blessbut few, and it is to be hoped not difficult of ings I may enjoy, and yielding a prompt obeobservance. Seek to uphold your measures by dience to every legitimate demand that can be the force of argument, not of denunciation. made upon me, I shall rejoice, as far as my litStigmatize not opposition to your notions with tle sphere may extend, to foster the same dispooffensive epithets. These prove nothing but sitions among those who surround me.

AN EXTRACT.*

Sir, I am opposed, out and out, to any interference of the State with the opinions of its citizens, and more especially with their opinions

* From Mr. Gaston's speech on the "thirty second article," in the North Carolina Convention, called to amend

the State Constitution.

on religious subjects. The good order of society requires that actions and practices injurious to the public peace and public morality, should be restrained, and but a moderate portion of practical good sense is required to enable the proper authorities to decide what conduct is really thus injurious. But to decide on the

truth or error, on the salutary or pernicious is on religion. Born of Faith-nurtured by consequences of opinions, requires a skill in Hope-invigorated by Charity-looking for its dialectics, a keenness of discernment, a forecast rewards in a world beyond the grave-it is of and comprehension of mind, and above all, an Heaven, heavenly. The evidence upon which exemption from bias, which do not ordinari- it is founded, and the sanctions by which it is ly belong to human tribunals. The preconceiv- upheld, are addressed solely to the understand ed opinions of him, who is appointed to try, ing and the purified affections. Even He, from become the standard by which the opinions of whom cometh every pure and perfect gift, and others are measured, and as these correspond to whom religion is directed as its author, its with, or differ from his own, they are pronounc- end, and its exceedingly great reward, imposes ed true or false, salutary or pernicious. Let the no coercion on His children. They believe, or Arminian pass on the doctrines of the high Cal- doubt, or reject, according to the impressions vinist, and he will have no hesitation in brand- which the testimony of revealed truth makes ing them as utterly destructive of the distinc- upon their minds. He causes His sun to shine tions between right and wrong, and leading to alike on the believer and the unbeliever, and the subversion of all morality. Let the Cal- His dews to fertilize equally the soil of the orvinist determine on the soundness and the ten-thodox and the heretic. No earthly gains or dencies of the Arminian faith, and he will have little difficulty in arraigning it for blasphemy, as stripping the Almighty of his essential attributes, and setting up man as independent of God and needing not his grace. Law is the proper judge of action, and reward or punishment its proper sanction. Reason is the proper umpire of opinion, and argument and discussion its only fit advocates. To denounce opinions by law is as silly, and unfortunately much more tyrannical, as it would be to punish crime by logic. Law calls out the force of the community to compel obedience to its mandates. To operate on opinion by law, is to enslave the define faith by Edicts, Statutes and Constitutions, intellect and oppress the soul-to reverse the deal out largesses to accelerate conviction, and order of nature, and make reason subservient to refute unbelief and heresy by the unanswerable force. But of all the attempts to arrogate un- logic of pains and penalties. Let not religion just dominion, none is so pernicious as the efforts be abused for this impious tyranny-religion has of tyrannical men to rule over the human con- nothing to do with it. Nothing can be conscience. Religion is exclusively an affair be- ceived more abhorrent from the spirit of true tween man and his God. If there be any sub-religion, than the hypocritical pretensions of ject upon which the interference of human Kings, Princes, Rulers and Magistrates, to uppower is more forbidden, than on all others, it hold her holy cause by their unholy violence.

temporal privations are to influence their judgment here, and it is reserved until the last day, for the just Judge of all the Earth to declare who have criminally refused to examine or to credit the evidences which were laid before them. But civil rulers thrust themselves in and become God's avengers. Under a pretended zeal for the honor of His house, and the propagation of His Revelation,

Snatch from His hand the balance and the rod;
Rejudge His justice-are the God of God;