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unrestrained choice! And to give vigor to the particular—a short time will probably show the nation, we are to admit into its councils, and grounds of my belief.. into a free participation of its power men whose But, sir, among the reasons for prosecuting dislike of its government has been strengthened the invasion of Canada, one has been gravely into abhorrence by the exasperations of war, | stated of a very peculiar kind. Canada, says a and all whose affections are fixed upon its gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) enemy! But at all events you are to keep the should be invaded to protect our frontiers and Canadas. What then will you do about sailor's seaboard from invasion-it is the most ecorights? You will not be à jot nearer to them nomical and effectual method of defence. Althen than you are now. How will you procure | though this consideration presents nothing very them or seek to procure them? Will you then splendid to our view, yet it would be worth all begin in good earnest to protect or obtain them other reasons for the invasion, if it were founded by naval means? Would it not be advisable to on fact. But ask the people on your frontiers attend to this declared object of the war now and on your seaboard, and what will they say? rather than wait until after the Canadian —They will tell you that it is the invasion of scheme is effected? Perhaps you mean to keep Canada alone which endangers them—the most Canada and abandon sailors' rights—if so, why effectual defence to them would be an abannot avow to the people that it is conquest you donment of your scheme. Sir, an invasion of fight for and not right? But perhaps it is de- the United States, but for the purpose of disigned when the conquest is effected to give it verting your forces from Canada, or retorting back to Britain as an equivalent for the cession, on you the distresses of war, cannot enter into on her part, of some maritime right-for the the scheme of British or Canadian policy. It is privilege that our ships shall not be searched not to be prosecuted, but at vast inconvenience for British sailors. On this question you may and expense, with great loss of useful soldiers, make an arrangement practically securing all we under a certainty of ultimate failure, and withought now to contend for. You will I hope out hope of glory or gain. The Canadian yeomake it in the pending negotiation. But that manry, freed from the terrors of invasion, will by a surrender of Canada after it is conquered cheerfully resume their peaceful occupationsyou may purchase from her a disavowal or re- and such of the British regulars as are not relinquishment of the right, no man can believe quired for ordinary garrison duty, instead of who understands either the views or the preju- being employed in a miserable, predatory, yet dices of that people. They believe the right destructive border warfare, will be sent to minessential to their naval existence, to deter their gle in the European strife, where renown and seamen from general desertion. All classes in empire are the mighty stake. Surely this is that country so regard it—we know there is not emphatically the age and the government of a difference of opinion among any description paradox. A war for “free trade" is waged by of politicians in the kingdom upon this subject. embargo and prohibition of all commercial inIf they have any jealousy of you, and I believe tercourse—“sailors' rights” are secured by imsome of them have,) it is not a jealousy of your prisoning them at home, and not permitting territorial extent-but of your fitness to become them to move from place to place within their their commercial and naval rival. Can it be prison, but by a license from a collector like & believed then that they would compromise in a negro's pass, and obtained on the security of a surrender of a claim, which surrendered, in bondsman-and our frontiers and sea-board are their judgment, weakens them and invigorates to be defended by an invasion of Canada, which you, where alone they are apprehensive of a can alone endanger an attack? competition, for the sake of preventing an ac- But the real efficient argument for persevercession to the territory which extends your ance in the scheme of Canadian conquest, has limits, while it takes away from your strength? been given by the gentleman from Tennessee, Indulge no such delusion. Were Canada a (Mr. Grundy.) We made the war on Britain, thousand times more important to Britain than says the gentleman, and shall we restrict ourit is, it were yet of less value than her naval selves to defensive measures ? For what purpower. For the sake of it she would never yield pose was war declared, if we do nothing against a principle on which that naval power depends. the possessions of the enemy? Yes, sir, it is the No, sir, the return of conquered Canada, even consideration that this war was originally offenwith the hoped for agency in our favor of the sive on our side, that creates the, I fear, insuRussian Emperor, would not weigh a feather in perable obstacle to our discontinuance of it. It the scale against what she deems her first great were vain to lament that gentlemen are under national interest. As it regards, too, these fan- | the influence of feelings which belong to human cied exertions of Russia in our favor, gentlemen nature. It would be idle to declaim against the surely deceive themselves. However attached sinfulness or the folly of false pride. All must Russia may be to the most liberal principles of admit that it is one of the greatest efforts of commercial intercourse she never will array her- magnanimity to retract a course publicly taken, self against the right of the sovereign to compel and on the correctness of which reputation is the services of his sea-faring subjects. On this staked. If honorable gentlemen could but perhead her policy is not less rigorous (to say the ceive that this difficulty is one of pride only, least) than that of England - I will not be more and of pride opposing their country's best in.
terests, I know that they could, and believe I great source of military strength, than to her many of them would, make the effort. Painful territories. The blow aimed at her recoils upon as may be the acknowledgment of political yourselves. But the exasperations which must error, yet, if they clearly saw that either this result from the wrongs mutually inflicted in the humiliation must be endured, or the nation course of the campaign, may have a very injuruined, they could not hesitate in their choice rious effect upon the disposition to pursue pabetween such alternatives. But, sir, I wish not cific efforts. They will be apt to create a temto present such alternatives to their election. per on each side, unfavorable to an amicable So difficult is it to produce a conviction, against arrangement. In truth, too, sir, you are not which the pride of our heart rebels, that I will prepared for such a campaign, as in honor and not attempt it. Gentlemen are not called on to humanity you can alone permit yourselves to retract. They may now suspend the execution carry on. Suppose by the month of May or of their scheme of invasion, without an acknow- June you raise your men—what are they? ledgment of its error. They may now, without Soldiers, fitted to take care of themselves in humiliation, restrict themselves to defence, al camp, and support the reputation of your arms though the war was in its origin offensive. A in the field ? No—they are a mere rabble of second favorable opportunity is presented of re- raw recruits. March them to Canada, and pesstoring tranquillity to our once happy coun- / tilence will sweep them off by regiments and try: the first, the revocation of the orders in brigades—while the want of discipline will unfit council, was suffered to pass unimproved. Let those whom pestilence spares for an honorable not this be lost-a third may not shortly occur. contest with an experienced foe. Instead, thereYour enemy has invited a direct negotiation for fore, of the hurry and bustle of filling your the restoration of peace. Your executive has ranks with recruits, and rushing with them into accepted the offer, and ministers have been ap- Canada, attend rather to the training and impointed to meet the commissioners of the oppo-provement of those now in service. Make solsite party. This circumstance ought to produce diers of them—by gradual enlistments you may an entire and essential change in your policy. regularly add to their number, and insensibly If the executive be sincere in the acceptance of incorporate the new levies with the disciplined this proposition, he must have acted on the troops. If it should hereafter become necessary hope that an amicable adjustment of differences to march into the field, you will then have an might be made. And while there is such a army under your command, not a multitude hope, such a prospect, on what principle can without subordination. Suspend, therefore, hosyou justify invasion and conquest ? Force is tilities while you negotiate. Make an armistice the substitute, not the legitimate coadjutor of until the result of the negotiation is ascertained. negotiation: nations fight because they cannot You can lose nothing—you may gain every treat. Every benevolent feeling and correct thing by such a course. Then negotiate fairly, principle is opposed to an effusion of blood, and with a view to obtain for your native seamen a an extension of misery, which are hoped to be practical and reasonable security against imunnecessary. 'Tis necessity alone which fur- pressment-and with a disposition to aid Britain nishes their excuse: do not, then, at the mo- in commanding the services of her own. Such ment when you avow a belief, a hope at least, an arrangement might have been made on the that such necessity exists not, pursue a conduct revocation of the orders in council, could you which, but for its existence, is inhuman and de have been then satisfied with any thing short testable.
of an abandonment of the British claim to Besides, sir, if you are earnest in the wish search. I doubt not but that it may now be to obtain peace from the Gottenburg mission, made--more you probably cannot obtain. The suspend in the mean time offensive operations, time may come when, with greater effect, you which cannot facilitate, and may prevent the can prefer, if necessary, higher claims. All is accomplishment of your object. Think you hazarded by precipitately urging more than that Britain is to be intimidated by your men- your relative strength enables you to enforce. aced invasion of her territories? If she had not Permit your country to grow-let no just right learned by experience how harmless are your be abandoned. If any be postponed, it may be threats, she would nevertheless see but little advanced at a more opportune season, with betcause for fear. She knows that the conquest ter prospect of success. If you will quit this cannot be completed in one, nor in two cam- crusade against Canada, and seek peace in the paigns. And when she finds that every soldier spirit of accommodation—and (permit me to whom you enlist is to cost you in bounty alone add) if you will forego your empiric schemes of upwards of 100 guineas, * she will perceive that embargo and commercial restrictions--you will the war is more destructive to your finance, the restore harmony at home, and allay that wide
spread, and in some places alarming spirit of
discontent that prevails in our land. And if * The bounty to each soldier was one hundred and twenty
your pacific efforts fail, if an obstinate and im. four dollars, cash, and one hundred and sixty acres of land, placable 100
placable foe will not agree to such a peace as which, at two dollars per acre, was three hundred and twenty
the country can with credit accept, then appeal dollars-in all, four hundred and forty-four dollars, besides to the candor and spirit of your people for & the eight dollars per man to the recruiting agent.
| constitutional support, with a full assurance that such an appeal, under such circumstances, party, wherever found, never will meet with cannot be made in vain.
an advocate in me. It is a most calamitous It is time, Mr. Chairman, that I should re- scourge to our country--the bane of social enlease you from the fatigue of hearing me. joyment, of individual justice, and of public There is but one more topic to which I solicit virtue—unfriendly to the best pursuits of man, your attention. Many admonitions have been his interest and his duty-it renders useless, or addressed to the minority, by gentlemen on the even pernicious, the highest endowments of ir ministerial side of this House, not without tellect, and the noblest dispositions of the soul merit, and I hope not without edification, on | But, sir, whatever may be the evils necessarily the evils of violent opposition and intemperate inherent in its nature, its ravages are then most party spirit. It is not to be denied that oppo- enormous and desolating when it is seated on sition may exceed all reasonable bounds and a the throne of power, and vested with all the minority become factious. But when I hear it attributes of rule. I mean not to follow the seriously urged that the nature of our govern- gentleman from South Carolina over the classic ment forbids that firm, manly, active opposi- ground of Greece, Carthage, and Rome, to retion, which in countries less free is salutary and fute his theory, and show that not to vehement necessary, and when I perceive all the dangers opposition, but to the abuse of factions and inof faction apprehended only on the side of a tolerant power their doom is to be attributed minority, I witness but new instances of that | Nor will I examine some more modern instanwonderful ductility of the human mind, which, ces of republics whose destruction has the same in its zeal to effect a favorite purpose, begins origin. The thing is no longer matter of discus with the work of self-deception. Why, sir, sion. It has passed into a settled truth in the will not our form of government tolerate or science of political philosophy. One who on require the same ardor of constitutional oppo- a question of historical deduction, of political sition, which is desirable in one wherein the "theory," is entitled to high respect, has given chief magistrate is hereditary ? “Because," | us an admirable summary of the experience of says the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. republics on this interesting inquiry. In the Calhoun,) "in a monarchy the influence of the tenth number of the Federalist, written by Mr. executive and his ministers requires continual | Madison, we find the following apt and judivigilance, lest it obtain too great a preponder- cious observations :-"By a faction, I under." ance; but here the executive springs from the stand a number of citizens whether amounting people, can do nothing without their support, to a majority or minority of the whole, who and cannot, therefore, overrule and control the are united and actuated by some common impublic sentiment.” Sir, let us not stop at the pulse of passion or of interest adverse to the surface of things. The influence of the execu- rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and tive in this country, while he retains his aggregate interests of the community." popularity, is infinitely greater than that of a The inference to which we are brought is, limited monarch. It is as much stronger as the that the causes” of faction cannot be removed; spasm of convulsion is more violent than the and that relief is only to be sought in the means voluntary tension of a muscle. The warmth of controlling its “ effects." If a faction conof feeling excited during the contest of an elec- sists of less than a majority, relief is suppliei tion, and the natural zeal to uphold him whom by the republican principle which enables the they have chosen, create, between the execu- majority to defeat its sinister views by regular tive and his adherents, à connection of “pas-vote. It may clog the administration, it may sion”—while the distribution of office and convulse the society, but it will be unable to exemolument adds a communion of “interest ecute and mask its violence under the forms of which combined, produce a union almost indis the constitution. “When a majority is insoluble. “Support the administration” be- cluded in a faction, the form of popular governcomes a watch-word, which passes from each ment on the other hand enables it to sacrifice chieftain of the dominant party to his subal- to its ruling passion or interest, both the public terns, and thence to their followers in the good, and the rights of other citizens. To seranks, till the President's opinion becomes the cure the public good and private rights against criterion of orthodoxy, and his notions obtain a the dangers of such a faction, and at the same dominion over the public sentiment, which time to preserve the spirit and the form of facilitates the most dangerous encroachments, popular government, is then the great object to and demands the most jealous supervision. In which our inquiries are directed. Let me add proportion as a government is free, the spirit that it is the great desideratum by wbich alone of bold inquiry, of animated interest in its this form of government can be rescued from measures, and of firm opposition where they the opprobrium under which it has so long are not approved, becomes essential to its labored, and be recommended to the esteem and purity and continuance. And he who in a / adoption of mankind.” democracy or republic attempts to control the If this doctrine were then to be collected will of the popular idol of the day, may envy from the history of the world, can it now be the luxurious ease with which ministerial op- doubted since the experience of the last twentypressions are opposed and thwarted in govern- five years? Go to France, once revolutionary, ments which are less free. Intemperance of pow Imperial France, and ask her whether,
factious power, or intemperate opposition, be your anger or your weakness, and are sure to the more fatal to freedom and happiness? | generate a spirit of “moral resistance" not Perhaps at some moment when the eagle easily to be checked or tamed. Give to presieye of her master is turned away, she may dential views constitutional respect, but suffer whisper to you to behold the demolition of them not to supercede the exercise of independLyons, or the devastation of La Vendee. Per- ent inquiry. Encourage instead of suppresshaps she will give you a written answer: ing fair discussion, so that those who approve Draw near to the once fatal lamp-post, and by may not at least have a respectful hearing. its flickering light, read it as traced in charac- Thus, without derogating a particle from the ters of blood that flowed from the guillotine. energy of your measures, you would impart a "Faction is a demon! Faction out of power, tone to political dissensions which would deis a demon enchained! Faction, vested with prive them of their acrimony, and render them the attributes of rule, is a Moloch of destruc- harmless to the nation. tion!”
The nominal party distinctions, sir, have beSir, if the denunciations which gentlemen come mere cabalistic terms. It is no longer a have pronounced against factious violence, are question whether according to the theory of not merely the images of rhetoric pomp-if our constitution, there is more danger of the they are, indeed, solicitous to mitigate the ran- federal encroaching on the State Governments, cor of party feuds in the sincerity of my or the democracy of the State Governments soul I wish them success. It is melancholy to paralyzing the arm of federal power-Federalism behold the miserable jealousies and malignant and democracy have lost their meaning. It is suspicions which so extensively prevail, to the now a question of commerce, peace, and union destruction of social comfort, and the imminent of the States. On this question, unless the honperil of the republic. On this subject I have esty and intelligence of the nation shall confedreflected much, not merely in the intervals sto erate into one great American party, disdaining len from the bustle of business, or the gaieties petty office-keeping and office-hunting views, of amusement, but in the moments of "depres- defying alike the insolence of the popular prints, sion and solitude," the most favorable to the the prejudices of faction, and the dominion of correction of error. For one I am willing to executive influence—I fear a decision will be bring a portion of party feeling and party pre- pronounced fatal to the hopes, to the existence judice, as an oblation at the shrine of my coun- of the nation. In this question I assuredly have try. But no offering can avail any thing if not a very deep interest-but it is the interest of a made on the part of those who are the political citizen only. My public career I hope will not favorites of the day. On them it is incumbent continue long. Should it please the Disposer of to come forward and set the magnanimous ex- events to permit me to see the great interests ample. Approaches or concessions on the side of this nation confided to men who will secure of the minority would be misconstrued into in- its rights by firmness, moderation and impardications of timidity or of a hankering for tiality abroad, and at home cultivate the arts of favor. But a spirit of conciliation arising from peace, encourage honest industry in all its “those ranks” would be hailed as the harbin- / branches, dispense equal justice to all classes of ger of sunny days, as a challenge to liberality, the community, and thus administer the governand to a generous contention for the public ment in the true spirit of the constitution, as a weal. This spirit requires not any departure trust for the people, not as the property of a from deliberate opinion, unless it is shown to party, it will be to me utterly unimportant by be erroneous—such a concession would be a what political epithet they may be characterdereliction of duty. Its injunctions would be ized. As a private citizen grateful for the blessbut few, and it is to be hoped not difficult of ings I may enjoy, and yielding a prompt obeobservance. Seek to uphold your measures by dience to every legitimate demand that can be the force of argument, not of denunciation. made upon me, I shall rejoice, as far as my litStigmatize not opposition to your notions with tle sphere may extend, to foster the same dispooffensive epithets. These prove nothing but sitions among those who surround me.
Sir, I am opposed, out and out, to any inter- on religious subjects. The good order of socieference of the State with the opinions of its ty requires that actions and practices injurious citizens, and more especially with their opinions to the public peace and public morality, should
be restrained, and but a moderate portion of • From Mr. Gaston's speech on the “ thirty second arti-practical good sense is required to enable the cle," in the North Carolina Convention, called to amend proper authorities to decide what conduct is the State Constitution.
| really thus injurious. But to decide on the truth or error, on the salutary or pernicious is on religion. Born of Faith-nurtured by consequences of opinions, requires à skill in Hope-invigorated by Charity-looking for its dialectics, a keenness of discernment, a forecast rewards in a world beyond the grave-it is of and comprehension of mind, and above all, an Heaven, heavenly. The evidence upon wbich exemption from bias, which do not ordinari- it is founded, and the sanctions by which it is ly belong to human tribunals. The preconceiv- upheld, are addressed solely to the understands ed opinions of him, who is appointed to try, ing and the purified affections. Even He, from become the standard by which the opinions of whom cometh every pure and perfect gift, and others are measured, and as these correspond to whom religion is directed as its author, its with, or differ from his own, they are pronounc-end, and its exceedingly great reward, imposes ed true or false, salutary or pernicious. Let the no coercion on His children. They believe, or Arminian pass on the doctrines of the high Cal- doubt, or reject, according to the impressions vinist, and he will have no hesitation in brand- which the testimony of revealed truth makes ing them as utterly destructive of the distinc- upon their minds. He causes His sun to shine tions between right and wrong, and leading to alike on the believer and the unbeliever, and the subversion of all morality. Let the Cal- His dews to fertilize equally the soil of the orvinist determine on the soundness and the ten-thodox and the heretic. No earthly gains or dencies of the Arminian faith, and he will have temporal privations are to influence their judglittle difficulty in arraigning it for blasphemy, ment here, and it is reserved until the last day, as stripping the Almighty of his essential attri- for the just Judge of all the Earth to declare butes, and setting up man as independent of who have criminally refused to examine or to God and needing not his grace. Law is the credit the evidences which were laid before proper judge of action, and reward or punish- them. But civil rulers thrust themselves in and ment its proper sanction. Reason is the proper become God's avengers. Under a pretended zeal umpire of opinion, and argument and discussion for the honor of His house, and the propagation its only fit advocates. To denounce opinions by of His Revelation, law is as silly, and unfortunately much more tyrannical, as it would be to punish crime by Snatch from His hand the balance and the rod; logic. Law calls out the force of the commu Rejudge His justice—are the God of God; nity to compel obedience to its mandates. To operate on opinion by law, is to enslave the define faith by Edicts, Statutes and Constitutions, intellect and oppress the soul—to reverse the deal out largesses to accelerate conviction, and order of nature, and make reason subservient to refute unbelief and heresy by the unanswerable force. But of all the attempts to arrogate un logic of pains and penalties. Let not religion just dominion, none is so pernicious as the efforts | be abused for this impious tyranny-religion has of tyrannical men to rule over the human con- nothing to do with it. Nothing can be conscience. Religion is exclusively an affair be-ceived more abhorrent from the spirit of true tween man and his God. If there be any sub | religion, than the hypocritical pretensions of ject upon which the interference of human Kings, Princes, Rulers and Magistrates, to uppower is more forbidden, than on all others, it I hold her holy cause by their unholy violence.