to transfer the allegiance of British subjects, and thus to cancel the juris. diction of their legitimate sovereign, by acts of naturalization and certificates of citizenship, which they pretend to be as valid out of their own territory as within it, it is obvious that to abandon this ancient right of Great Britain, and to admit these novel pretensions of the United States, would be to expose to danger the very foundations of our maritime strength.

That whatever the declaration of the United States may have asserted, Great Britain never did demand that neutrals should force British manufactures into France; and she formally declared her willingness to forego, or modify, in concert with the United States, the system, by which a commercial intercourse with the enemy had been allowed, under the protection of licences, provided the United States would act towards her, and towards France, with real impartiality.

That the government of America, if the differences between states are not interminable, had no right to notice the affair of the Chesapeake. The aggression in this instance, on the part of a British officer, was acknowledged, his conduct was disapproved, and a reparation was regularly tendered by Mr Foster, on the part of his majesty, and accepted by the government of the United States. That the American government was not less unwarranted in its allusion to the mission of Mr Henry; a mission undertaken without the authority, or even knowledge, of his majesty's government, and which Mr Foster was authorised formally and officially to disavow. That the charge of exciting the Indians to of fensive measures against the United States was equally void of foundation. Before the war began, a policy the most opposite had been uniformly pursued, and a proof of this was ten

VOL. VI. PART I,

dered by Mr Foster to the American government.

That although such were the causes of the war put forward by the government of America, yet the real origin of the contest would be found in that spirit which had long unhappily actuated the councils of the United States their marked partiality in palliating and assisting the aggressive tyranny of France; their systematic endeavour to inflame the people against the defensive measures of Great Britain; their ungenerous conduct towards Spain, the intimate ally of Great Britain; and their unworthy desertion of the cause of other neutral nations, for which America had been so justly condemned in the eyes of the world. It was through the prevalence of such councils that America had been associated in policy with France, and committed in war against Great Britain.And under what conduct on the part of France had the government of the United States thus lent itself to the enemy? The contemptuous violation of the commercial treaty of the year 1800, between France and the United States; the treacherous seizure of all American vessels and cargoes in every harbour subject to the controul of France; the tyrannical principles of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the confiscations under them; the subsequent condemnations under the Rambouillet decree, antedated or concealed to render it the more effectual; the French commercial regulations which rendered the traffic of the United States with France almost illusory; the burning of their merchant ships at sea, long after the alleged repeal of the French decrees-these, and many similar outrages, were the inducements which France held out to conciliate the friendship of America. All these acts of violence on the part of France produced from the government of the +

H

Uuited States, only such complaints as ended in acquiescence and submission, or were accompanied by suggestions for enabling France to give the semblance of a legal form to her usurpations by converting them into municipal regulations.-That this disposition of the government of the U. nited States this complete subserviency to the ruler of France-this hostile temper towards Great Britain, were evident in almost every page of the official correspondence of the American with the French government. Against this course of conduct, the real cause of the war, Great Britain solemnly protested. While contending against France, in defence not only of her own liberties, but of those of the world, she was entitled to look for a far different result. Disappointed in this expectation however, Great Britain declared her unalterable resolution to pursue the policy which she had so long maintained, in repelling injustice and in supporting the general rights of nations.

This declaration having been laid before parliament, an address was moved to the Prince Regent, approving of its principles, and expressing a determination to support the executive government in the conduct of the war. There was but little difference of opinion on this point; the principles avowed by government could neither be mistaken nor impeached; but the want of vigour which had been discovered in the conduct of the war was severely arraigned, even by some eminent persons not unfriendly to the administration. One thousand soldiers, it was observed, four or five frigates to guard an extent of coast of 1500 miles, and a revenue of two millions and a half of dollars have been described as the means physical and pecuniary of which the United States were in possession when they declared war against this country. Undoubtedly no man could hear the

statement without exclaiming, "And could a nation so circumstanced venture upon a war with the mighty empire of Great Britain with the most distant prospect of success?" Un. luckily it did. The unwelcome truth could not be concealed. Two of these four or five frigates had captured two frigates from the British navy, Vigorous measures becoming this great nation might have averted disasters which must have the effect of prolonging hostilities. It was no answer to say that our navy was immense, but that it was proportionably extended on the different stations. The nation complained not of the naval department, but of the policy which controuled its operations. It complained that the arm which should have launched the thunderbolt was occupied in guiding the pen; that admiral Warren was busied in negociating, when he ought to have been burning, sinking, and destroying. Admiral Warren sailed from this country in the middle of August, and on the 27th of September he reached Halifax with his squadron, where he employed himself in writing dispatches to the American government; while Commodore Rogers on the 10th of October sailed unmolested from Boston. But we waited, it seems, to be quite sure that we were actually at war. Granting, for argument's sake, that in the first instance there might not be full conviction of the certainty of war, yet even after the American declaration was received in the end of July, no hostile measure was resorted to by this country, till the 14th of October, when letters of marque were issued, upon the receipt of the intelligence (and, as might be not unfairly suspected, in conse quence of that intelligence) that the Guerriere frigate had been captured by the Americans. What was the next advance towards actual blockade! The blockade of the Chesapeak was

determined upon, and the order in council announcing that blokade was issued; when?-the day after the arrival of the intelligence that the Macedonian, another of our frigates, had fallen into the power of the republic. The loss of these two fine vessels produced a sensation in the country scarcely to be equalled by the most violent convulsion of nature. No one could attribute the slightest blame to our gallant sailors; they always do their duty; but neither was it possible to agree with those who complained that the consternation throughout Great Britain was greater than the occasion justified. Who could represent the losses as insignificant, and the feelings of indignation occasioned by them as exaggerated and extravagant? That indignation was a wholesome feeling which ought to be cherished and maintained. It could not be too deep. ly felt that the sacred spell of the, invincibility of the British navy was broken by those unfortunate captures; and however speedily we might all wish the war to terminate, the desire could not be considered as sanguinary and unfeeling, that it might not be concluded before we had re-established the character of our naval superiority, and smothered in victories the disasters which we had now to lament, and to which we were so little habituated.-If it be true, in general, that indecision and delay are the parents of failure; that they take every possible chance of detriment to the cause in which they are employed, and afford every advantage and encouragement to the adversary; it was peculiarly true, in the present instance, that promptitude and vigour afforded the surest pledge of success in the war. If, while the elections were pending, the result of which was to place Mr Madison, the arch-enemy of this country, in the president's chair, a decisive blow had been struck by this country,

the tide of popular opinion in America might have been turned, and the consequences of a long and ruinous war might have been avoided. It was to be lamented, for the general happiness of mankind, that no such vigorous exertion was attempted; for if some signal act of vengeance had been inflicted on any part of the United States, exposed to maritime attack, but particularly on any portion of their territory where there prevailed the greatest attachment to the interests of France, it would have at least been a useful warning, and might have prevented the continuance of the contest, if it had not prevented its commencement. Forbearance in war is wholly impolitic, and where vigour has a tendency to decide the contest, hesitation is cruelty.-Hostilities were, however, continued, although upon such a small scale as suited the resources of America. The American frigates were still distinguished by activity and success; and the British were to be again astonished by the advantage which one of these was to gain over their own navy, so long deemed invincible. The British frigate Java, of 38 guns, sailed from Spithead early in No. vember of the preceding year, for the purpose of conveying Lieut.-General Hislop to Bombay. She was met off the coast of Brazil by the Constitution; and after a furious action, in which Captain Lambert and many of his officers and men were killed, she was set on fire and blown up. To the superior weight of metal of the Constitution, and the enterprize of the Americans in pushing out on such distant and unexpected attempts, was to be attributed this melancholy event. Yet it did seem extraordinary, that, with so great a British force on the American coast, the frigates of the latter power should have had the good fortune of so frequently sailing from and returning into their own ports, without being met by any of the cruisers on that station.

Such were the reflections very generally made on the subject of the naval war with America. Of the military events of the year, a very brief summary will be sufficient.

The Americans made extraordinary efforts to retrieve the overwhelming and shameful disasters of the former campaign; and they were soon able, from a numerous though scattered population, to re-assemble an army which greatly outnumbered that ranged under the British standard. A large force, collected from the back settlements, again approached Detroit, in the hope of wiping off that signal dishonour which had been there sustained. Colonel Proctor, who commanded the British, judged it inexpedient to delay his operations till the whole of the enemy's troops could be brought forward. Making a vigorous forward movement, he, on the 22d of January, attacked the American advanced-guard, under General Winchester, amounting to upwards of 1000 men, which was posted at French Town, on the river Raisin. The Americans, though they found in the houses and inclosures of the village an advantageous defensive position, were yet unable to withstand the impetuosity of British valour. They were not only defeated, but entirely cut off. All who were not killed or wounded in the action were taken prisoners; and in this number was General Winchester himself. This brilliant exploit placed the Detroit frontier for the present in a state of security.

The Americans, in the mean time, maintained also a force upon the branch of the St Lawrence which connects the Lakes Ontario and Erie; and a large detachment, posted at Ogden burgh, availed itself of the frozen state of the river to make incursions on the opposite bank. In order to put a stop to these inroads, Sir George Prevost directed Major Macdonell, of the Glen

gary fencibles, to dislodge them from that post. His instructions were exe cuted in the most gallant and successful manner; the enemy were driven from their position, and were enabled only by the accidental absence of the Indian auxiliaries to effect their escape into the woods. This action was distinguished by the heroic valour of Captain Jenkins, who, after having an arm shot off, continued still to rush forward and cheer his men to the attack; and even when he had received another severe wound, did not desist till exhaustion and loss of blood rendered him unable to move.-The Americans after this check did not repeat their inroads.

As the season advanced, however, forces accumulated from the different states, and their numbers again became decidedly superior to those of the British. General Dearborn, in the end of April, set sail on Lake Ontario with 5000 men, and baffling the vigilance of the British flotilla, landed his forces in the vicinity of York, near the head of the lake, being the place of greatest importance in that part of Canada. General Sheaffe, who had not a thousand men, was compelled, after a gal. lant resistance, to evacuate the place; and the Americans thus at last obtainen a firm footing on the north bank of the St Lawrence.-About the same time, General Vincent was obliged, by a still greater uperiority of force, to abandon Fort St George, which form. ed the main point of defence on the Niagara frontier. To these disasters was added the failure of an attempt made by Colonel Baynes to obtain possession of Sackett's Harbour. The detachment was landed, and the enemy were driven with loss into their blockhouses and batteries; but these were found so strong, that it would have been an useless waste of men to attempt storming them, The British force was therefore re-embarked.

Even under this overwhelming pressure, however, British valour and enterprize soon produced a reaction. The enemy having advanced beyond Forty Mile Creek to attack General Vincent, who was posted at Burlington, the latter came upon them by surprise on the night of the 5th June, totally defeated them, and forced them to retire with precipitation. As the Indians and the squadron under Sir James Yeo now operated on their rear, they were compelled to fall back upon Niagara, and had to maintain in their retreat a series of unsuccessful actions, in which they lost a great part of their army, with almost all their artillery and baggage The British force advanced, and held them nearly in a state of blockade. Landings were effected by the British at Sodus, at the Genessee river, and at Plattsburgh; the stores and provisions at these places were destroyed or carried off. Hopes were now entertained that the troops occupying Niagara might be cut off, and compelled to surrender.

= A change of fortune, however, immediately followed. It began with the army on the Detroit frontier, which till now had been uniformly victorious. Colonel Proctor having been almost compelled by the solicitations of the Indians, and of some ill-disciplined militia, to make an attempt on the fort of Sundusky, was repulsed with loss. The troops were disheartened by this unwonted reverse; and the American general, Harrison, pressing on at the head of 10,000 men, forced them to retreat in confusion. The country being unfavourable to this movement, he overtook, surrounded, and made them prisoners; the general, with a few attendants, only escaping.

This disaster was followed by another, still more unexpected and mortifying. Whatever might be the numerical superiority of the Americans on land, it seemed reasonable to expect

that on another element Great Britain would always maintain the predominance. On Lake Erie, however, the case was reversed. This unpropitious circumstance is said to have been occasioned by a delay in the transmission of a dispatch from Sr G. Prevost to Admiral Warren, demanding a reinforcement of shipping. The consequence was, that nine American vessels were, on the 10th September, met only by six British. The unequal contest was gallantly maintained the Lawrence, the American commander's vessel, at one time struck, but the British were not able to take possession of her; relieved by the other ships, she again came into action; and the result was, that the British squadron, after being reduced to a state of almost complete wreck, fell entirely into the hands of the enemy. This success gave to the Americans the complete command of Lake Erie; combined with the defeat of Col. Proctor, it rendered them masters of Upper Canada. They were seized with that excess of exultation, to which popular governments are liable; they already considered all Canada as their own, and publicly announced their intention of taking Montreal, as their winter quarters.

The preparations by which these magnificent promises were to be supported, appeared not altogether inadequate to their fulfilment. Three armies, each amounting to nearly 10,000 men, marched in the end of October, from different points, upon Lower Canada. While General Harrison proceeded along Lake Erie, General Wilkinson embarked his division upon Lake Ontario, and General Hampton marched to Montreal. These troops, however, were formidable only in number, and possessed no qualities which could enable them to stand the shock of troops under British discipline. Hampton's whole corps was arrested for a day by