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to extend the trade to India, for fear of losing all the gold and silver which we can collect, it must be impolitic Eto continue any trade with it at all, and the Company ought instantly, and for ever, to have abandoned all its -commercial undertakings.

It was stated with great confidence, that the private merchants would be unable to conduct their trade in India without the assistance of a military force at the various factories, which they might find it convenient to establish; because, forsooth, it is impossible to conduct trade of any kind in India but at the point of the bayonet. The experience which suggested this piece of reasoning did not seem very honourable to the commercial charac ter of the East India Company..

The dangers of colonization were strongly insisted upon by those who wished to perpetuate the monopoly. From colonization was anticipated the introduction of the European spirit; the discussion of popular rights; and, finally, the subversion of the local government. All the weaker passions were set in motion; all the most absurd prejudices were alarmed on this branch of the subject.

But if there be any country in the world to which there is but little chance of a considerable emigration from Great Britain, that country is India; and every person of common understand ing must be inevitably led to this conclusion by a variety of considerations. First of all, India contains a population which may fairly be considered as having for a period, beyond which we have no record, been absolutely redundant, and, of course, must for ever continue to afford the most slender temptations to emigrants of all classes. What could induce the laborious population of England to select India as a place of exile, where there is no room either for their skill or industry? 2dly, The natural consequence of an overflowing

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population is quite perceptible in the very insignificant value which labour bears in that country, compared with the price which it will bring in the market of Europe: and this circumstance must for ever remain a complete bar to the emigration of the lower orders, that is, to an emigration of any importance. 3dly, The climate, language, laws, religion, and manners, of the Hindoos, are as utterly unlike those of the people of this country as it is possible to conceive; and this again must add prodigious strength to the barrier by which the inhabitants of the two countries must remain separated. 4thly, The immense distance of India from England, and the consequent expense of emigration, would effectually prevent the lower orders from emigrating to India, even if no other obstacle opposed itself to such a project. 5thly, Without large and constant emigra tions of the lower orders, on whose co-operation their more active and turbulent leaders must ever depend for the success of their projects, it is extremely improbable that there should be numerous emigrations even of the latter class, whose removal to India was the object of affected dread. 6thly, But even on the supposition that all the preceding views were erroneous, and that emigration were gradually and slowly to take place, an indefinite period must elapse before the European settlers could bear an assignable proportion to the natives, over whom it was assumed that they were speedily to exercise a degree of influence, which, in spite of all the respect naturally paid to government, and in defiance of all the power which that government could employ for repressing it, was, with rapid progress, to drive the natives into a state of insubordination and rebellion.

An obstinate, and unfortunately a successful, resistance was made to the opening of the China trade.

The old

story was repeated about the imprudence of private traders, who were, of course, to exasperate the Chinese, a singular and irritable race of men. But it was justly remarked, that if we were actually to be excluded from the ports of China, we should not be deprived of an intercourse with that country so long as we have numerous stations, whither the Chinese would most willingly repair to carry on their trade with us. The Americans never insulted and exasperated the Chinese so as to forfeit the benefits of the China trade; and the private traders of Ame rica carried on their trade to China to such purpose, that they were enabled to sell their teas at Boston and New York for less than one-half of the prices charged by the company to the people of England.

Such were the views which were generally taken of the commercial branch of this great question; and, it may be added, that these views, to a great extent, received the sanction of government. It will now be proper to give some account of the measures adopted by parliament, and of the more important limitations under which the charter of the Company was renewed.

The resolutions respecting the renewal of the East India Company's charter, originally proposed by Lord Castlereagh, were, after long examination and discussion, ultimately agreed to, with little alteration. The plan thus adopted continued to the company the sovereignty of India. The influence of the crown, in regard to the nomination of governors-general, received an increase, though it may be doubted if full provision be yet made to obviate the embarrassment arising from the exercise of so high a function. But if, in regard to political power, the Company obtained nearly all that they could demand, the same favour was not shewn to their pretensions still to monopolise the commerce of India

The trade, however, was opened to competition only in those branches from which the Company always declared that no profit, but a sensible loss, accrued to them. These branches, therefore, they had no motive to carry on, other than that of public spirit, and their financial condition ought to be improved by the transference of them to other hands. The trade to China, by which the Company still gained considerably, was preserved to them.

The consideration of this affair occupied a greater portion of the time and attention of parliament, than any other subject which was agitated during the present session. A great part of that labour was very idly employed. Long examinations took place to ascertain whether the situation and accommodation of the out-ports would admit of India goods being imported into them with perfect security to the revenue. The most decided protest ought to have been offered against entering into any such enquiry. It is a most alarming circumstance, that the principle should at all be admitted of subjecting commerce to restraint and monopoly for the purpose of rendering it more easy to collect the taxes. If we begin on such principles, where are we to stop? If India goods are to be confined to particular ports, why are not wines and sugar to be confined for the same reason? There is no doubt, that if all articles subject to taxation were to be introduced at one single port only, the revenue upon them would be collected much more easily, more efficaciously, and more cheaply; nor would any bad consequence follow, except the rapid decay of all these branches of trade. There is, in fact, much less pretence for such a measure in the case of India than of almost any other goods. The length of the voy age, and the tempestuous seas through which it is made, render necessary the employment of very large vessels, much

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irger than are requisite for carrying on he European or American trade. The arge size of vessels materially obstructs ay illicit traffic, because such vessels annot approach sufficiently near to the Je coast for such traffic, and because eir motions are much more easily oberved. Besides, as tea was already exepted, none of the other articles afford revenue so considerable as that any uch violent measures should be necesary to prevent a small defalcation. letter would it be if any trifling loss sustained, to compensate it by an inreased duty on the same, or on any ther articles, than thus to cramp the inews of national industry. Why hould piece-goods be introduced only to the port of London? and why hould the rest of the trade be confined o certain of the out-ports? these, too, o be fixed by an arbitrary decision of the privy council. The nature of the rade secured the employment of large reasels; the regulation, then, which requires them to be 350 tons is superflu. jus, and may become oppressive. Why, in short, when the East India trade is less exposed to smuggling than any other, should it be made liable to restrictions, from which every other is exempted? Since it was determined that the trade should be laid open, there was surely no reason why it should not be placed on the very same footing with all other trades.

In the course of these debates, a new and important proposal was madethat the Company should not only be deprived of the exclusive trade to their ladian territories, but that they should be prohibited from carrying on any trade whatever. If it be an obvious principle, it was remarked, that commerce ought to be free, it is no less certain that it can never, with any advantage, be carried on by a sovereign. Sovereigns, however, have not always been sensible of this truth; and it may often be necessary for an enlightened

legislature to interfere, in order to prevent them from acting in opposition to it. Should the executive government of this country think proper to employ any part of the public funds for commercial purposes, it would be the indispensable duty of parliament to interfere, and put a stop to any such chimerical speculation. The same course may, with equal propriety, be held towards a company, the sovereign of an empire, far more extensive than that of the British islands. It is impossible that the Company should suffer by such a prohibition. Since the trade was a losing one to them when they enjoyed the monopoly of it, what must it be when they have to maintain it against the active and watchful competition of private interest?

Much as the attention of the public was attracted by the political and commercial arrangements, an interest no less deep was excited by the ecclesiastical regulations which were adopted for British India. The present age is remarkably distinguished by the extraordinary concern felt for the case of those nations who have not yet received the light of the gospel. It is of high importance to give this propensity a just direction, and to restrain its exuberance. The measures which were adopted on the present occasion, may be considered in two lights, as they furnished a provision for religious worship to the European residents in India, and as they had in view the conversion of the natives.

It was now proposed, for the first time, to found an ecclesiastical establishment for British subjects resident in India. There can scarcely be a doubt as to the high expediency of such a measure. It has universally been considered as a duty of government to provide gratuitously for its subjects some kind of religious instruction, and to give to the establishments for that purpose the lustre and support which they

may derive from the sanction of public authority. No reason appears why this common privilege should be denied to a class of men now become so numerous, and who must often stand in need both of instruction and consolation. Care is doubtless to be taken not to excite jealousy or irritation in the natives; but provided they are left to follow their own religious observances with out molestation, it were too much to expect that the British should not also exercise the same privilege. But the natives of India are, as is well known, scrupulously observant of all the ceremonies of their own religion. They do not expect or wish that this religion should be ours; they consider it as an inheritance of their own; the difference awakens no enmity or disappointment. Yet they are struck with horror when they see the British observing no forms whatever; living the life of absolute atheists, which is that led by almost all the military, and by many of the civil servants of the crown. It will raise us in their estimation when they see us observing some form of religion, even though it were one much less pure than that which will actually be established.

that blessing from a large portion of the human race; and since that power does it, it is done certainly for wise purposes. Instructions to preach the gospel are, in scripture, given only to the chosen instruments; no such exhortations are addressed to Christians in general. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that Providence, to accomplish its beneficent purposes, makes use of human means; and when a fair opportunity presents itself of spreading the light of Christianity, it is laudable, and even incumbent, on Christians to avail themselves of it. The question is, whether the present state of India can be considered as affording such an opportunity?

There is a wide difference between the preaching of the apostles, and that of those who now attempt by the same means to effect the conversion of the heathen world. The former, endowed by Heaven with supernatural powers, could present to every unbiassed mind an incontestable proof of the authority under which they acted; but the modern missionary, who goes into a remote country, with only his solitary voice to raise in behalf of the doctrine which he teaches, has no means of producing a rational conviction. He can work no miracles himself; and he cannot carry along with him that chain of historical evidence, by which we are assured that miracles were once wrought. From these considerations, reasonable and sober-minded men are seldom disposed to engage in such undertakings ; not to mention that they are generally attached to a more regular and esta blished life. Hence it is only by the emissaries of fanatical sects that conversions have been made. The Jesuits, of all missionaries the most successful, obtained their end partly by the pomp of their worship, and partly by pretending to the The same tending to the power of working miracles, which they never scrupled to claim. Among protestants, the Bap

Government, however, had not this object alone to attend to. They had also to consider how they should act in reference to that ardent zeal with which numerous bodies of Christians in this country are animated, to communicate to the Indian world the blessings of revelation. Thus a question arose, which the circumstances of India, and the character of its inhabitants, rendered one of peculiar delicacy, and which, therefore, merited an attentive consideration.

To preach the gospel to the heathen world cannot be considered as a duty binding upon Christians at all times, and in all circumstances. The same power which at first bestowed Christianity on the world, now withholds

tists and Moravians have taken the lead in the pious work of converting the heathen; few of the soberer classes, even of dissenters, have thought of interfering. The effects produced by exertions of this description have seldom been great; they have never been durable. Of the wonderful labours of the Jesuits scarcely does a vestige now remain; they have been driven from China, from Japan, from all the kingdoms of the East. The =same fate has attended them among the natives of America, with the exception of the missions of Paraguay, I which are preserved merely because a species of empire, of which they were the sovereigns, had been established in that region. Such a mode of conversion, however, could not be admitted in the present instance; and little good can therefore be expected from missionary preaching. The religion of India, firmly rooted in the habits, ideas, and observances of the people, and which has resisted every change for thousands of years, will not form an exception to a rule hitherto found universal. The number of Indian conversions accordingly appears to be exceedingly small; many persons had spent a life-time in India without hearing of a single instance. The few which took place were of the most disgraceful character, the converts having, in periods of dearth, embraced Christianity on condition of receiving a supply of the necessaries of life, and, on the return of plenty, having immediately relapsed into their former idolatry. The propagators of Christianity ought to be reminded not only that such conversions have no merit, but that a man who thus quits a religion which he believes, to profess another which he does not believe, commits a crime, the guilt of which is little diminished by the circumstance that the former is a false, and the latter the true religion.

The inefficacy of missionary preaching in past times would be a minor consideration, if there were no dangers attending it, for there could then be no objection to making a fair trial of what it might effect in future. But it seems impossible to deny, that the danger is very considerable. The empire of force, exercised by twenty or thirty thousand men over an hundred millions, must always be somewhat precarious. Not only are the natives to be kept in subjection, but they are to be kept in subjection by the Indians; for the Sepoy force, it is well known, constitutes the greater part of that which is maintained in the colonies by the British government. Great Britain, therefore, can never expect to maintain her ground without much accommodation to the ideas, and prejudices, and even to the groundless apprehensions, of this numerous people, who seem to dread that compulsory measures may be employed to make them embrace Christianity. The catastrophe at Vellore, may not, as was at first reported, have arisen from the misconduct of the commander-in-chief, or from any measures shocking the religious prejudices of the people; but it seems unquestionable, that the dread of such measures excited them to such direful extremities. The Brahmins, who form the first class in the nation, and who possess over the minds of the people an influence almost supreme, cannot fail to view with the utmost jealousy, both the missionaries, and the government under whose auspices they are introduced. As it thus appears that little good and much evil may arise from missionary preaching, and as government retains in its own hands the power of granting licences, it should be very cautious in selecting the persons to whom such licences are granted. It is still more important, that in India, government should avoid all

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