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kingdom. Such things I have neither done nor even thought of; and I wish to God that all within your realm had always been as loyal in the preservation of your person and progeny, your crown and dignity, as I have been, and shall ever be, during my life. Other acts, that shall at a proper opportunity and place be declared, have been done contrary to your edict, prejudicial to my own honour and to that of my friends,—but those are already touched upon, and what remain are not only directly against the spirit of your edict, but tend to throw upon my person the utmost possible dishonour; and they are the most effectual means of depriving me not only of your good graces, but of those of my lady the queen, and of my lord of Aquitaine, whose happiness and prosperity I have ever desired and shall anxiously promote above all earthly blessings.
“ However, my most redoubted lord, I do not write these things to you, as meaning in any way to infringe your ordinance, or to violate the peace of the kingdom, which has of late been so sorely harassed, in various ways, that the most perverse mind should feel compassion for it. Should any persons now affirm, that I have intentions of avoiding or disobeying the true meaning of your ordinance, I positively declare, that I have never had such thoughts, nor have ever wished to give any opposition to its being carried into full effect; but on the contrary, I have supported it as much as any of your kindred or subjects have done throughout the realm. It is nevertheless very true, that I have sought for the means of keeping this peace firm and inviolate in your whole kingdom, foreseeing events that might possibly happen should it be infringed. I therefore most humbly supplicate you, my most redoubted lord, that you would be pleased to redress the above causes of complaint in such wise that those who have been injured may not have further reason to grieve, and that your ordinance may be fulfilled to your own welfare and honour, as well as to the good of your realm, so that every one, as has been before said, may sleep in peace and tranquillity,– to the accomplishment of which I am ready to offer all my corporal and worldly effects, together with those of my friends, and every power that God may have granted to me, according as it shall be your good pleasure to dispose of them.
“ And, my most dear and redoubted lord, I beseech the blessed Son of God to have you in his holy keeping, and to bless you with a long and happy life. Written in our town of Ghent, the 16th day of November.”
These despatches were presented, by Flanders king-at-arms, to the king, who received them very kindly; but those who governed him were not well pleased thereat, and would not suffer the king to make any answer in writing. The chancellor of France told the herald, that the king had very favourably received what his lord the duke of Burgundy had written, and would consider of it and send an answer at a proper time and place. After this, the king-at-arms left Paris, and returned to his lord in Flanders. Notwithstanding the letters which the duke of Burgundy had written to the king of France in his justification, those who had the management of the king did not in the least abate the rigour with which they were proceeding against the duke. A few days after the departure of Flanders king-at-arms, there was a great assembly of theologians holden at Paris, by the bishop of Paris and the inquisitor of the faith, to consider on certain propositions maintained before some of the princes of the royal blood and the duke of Burgundy, and by him supported, against the late Louis duke of Orleans, through the organ of master John Petit, and to declare whether such propositions be not heretical and erroneous.
Many were much troubled at this meeting, lest the duke of Burgundy should be displeased with them for attending it, and that in time to come they might suffer for it. Here follows the form of a schedule that was delivered to some of the doctors in theology.
“On the part of the bishop of Paris, the inquisitor and council of faith duly assembled, reverend doctors, be it known, that we have sent to you a schedule containing certain propositions, with their reprobations; and we require from you, under pain of forfeiture, that you deliver your opinions thereon publicly, in writing or by speech, whether these assertions, which have brought notorious scandal on the king's council and on the catholic faith, are erroneous and damnable, that we may proceed thereon as the canon law requires. On Wednesday, the 20th day of this month of December, will the first proposition be considered, namely, ' Any tyrant legally may and ought to be put to death by any vassal or subject, even by lying in wait for him, by flatteries and adulations, notwithstanding any confederation entered into between them, and after oaths having mutually passed, and without waiting for the sentence of any judge whatever. This proposition, thus stated generally for a maxim, is, according to the common acceptance of the word 'tyrant,' an error in our faith, contrary to the doctrine of good morals, and contrary to the commandments of God: “Non occides propriâ auctoritate ;' Thou shalt not kill of thy own authority; and in the 26th chapter of St. Matthew, « Omnes qui accipiunt gladium gladio peribunt. This doctrine tends to the subversion of all public order, and of each prince and sovereign, and opens a road for all licentiousness and every consequent evil, such as frauds, violations of oaths, treasons, lies, and general disobedience between vassals and lords, distrust of each, and consequently perdurable damnation. Item, he who shall pertinaciously affirm this error, and the others which follow, is a heretic, and ought to be punished as such, even after his death. “Notatur in decretis questione quinta,' the other proposition.-St. Michael, without any orders or command from God, or others, but moved solely by his natural affections, slew Lucifer with everlasting death, for which he is receiving spiritual riches beyond measure.
“ This proposition, however, contains many errors of faith,—for St. Michael did not slay Lucifer, but Lucifer slew himself by his sin, and God put him to an everlasting death. Besides, St. Michael did receive orders from God to thrust Lucifer out of paradise : “Quia omnis potestas est a Deo ; et hoc sciebat Michael, quia constitutus erat a Deo princeps, quem honorem non sibi assumpsit. Nota, quomodo Michael non est ausus inferre auditum blasphemiæ, sed dicit, imperet tibi Dominus :' in epistola Judæ. God might also have given him more spiritual riches, and the power of receiving them : therefore he did not obtain such riches through his natural affection.
“With regard to the other proposition,- Phineas killed Zimri without any command from God, or from Moses, and Zimri had not committed idolatry. This proposition is contrary to the book containing this history, according to the reading of learned doctors, and according to reason and the nature of things. You will see in the 25th chapter of the book of Numbers, 'Dicit Moyses ad judices Israel, Occidat unus quisque proximos suos, qui initiati sunt Beelphegor et ecce unus,' &c. glosa. Josephus dixit, quod Zimri et principes in tribu Symeon duxerant filias,' &c. Again, Moses, without any orders, slew the Egyptian, so that this assertion is contrary to the text of the Bible, Actorum vii. according to the explanation of learned doctors, and according to reason. Textus, -Estimabant, autem intelligere fratres, quoniam Deus per manum ipsius daret salutem Hierusalem,' &c. Judith did not sin in flattering Holofernes, nor Jehu by falsely saying that he would worship Baal. This is favourable to the error of those who have declared that lies may be lawful on some occasions. St. Austin writes thus against such doctrine to St. Jerome, Si, inquit, admissa fuerint vel officiosa mendacia, tota scripturæ divinæ vacillabit auctoritas. The other case brought forward to support the proposition, that Joab killed Abner after the death of Absalom, is contrary to the text expressed in the holy Scriptures, 1 Regum iii. cap. where it is said, that long before the death of Absalom, Joab slew Abner. The assertion, that it is not perjury to commit such actions, although oaths of fellowship may have been given on both sides, is false, for it is gross perjury, and unprofitable to such as may swear to treacherous alliances : it is fraud, deception, and clear perjury; and to maintain that such actions are lawful is an error of faith."
When these propositions had been fully discussed, they were condemned as heretical opinions, and errors against the faith.
CHAPTER CXIII.—THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY GOES TO ANTWERP.—THE ARREST OF SIR JOHN
DE CROY,—AND OTHER REMARKABLE EVENTS THAT HAPPENED ABOUT THIS PERIOD.
NEARLY about this time, the duke of Burgundy held at Antwerp a very confidential council of his most tried friends, on the state of his affairs, at which were present his brother of Brabant and his two brothers-in-law, namely, duke William, and John of Brabant bishop
of Liege, the counts de St. Pol and de Cleves. He had assembled them particularly to know whether they would support him in the war which France was silently meditating against him. They all promised him their aid against his adversaries, excepting the persons of the king of France and his children.
When the council broke up, the duke of Burgundy returned to Artois, in his country of Flanders, and the other lords to the places whence they had come. On the feast of the circumcision, a sergeant-at-arms came to St. Pol-en-Ternois, and presented to the count letters from the king of France, containing positive orders, under pain of his highest displeasure, not to bear arms nor to assemble any men-at-arms to accompany the duke of Burgundy or others into his kingdom without his especial licence; and that he should give an acknowledgment of the receipt of this royal command, which the count did.
While these things were passing, the duke of Aquitaine resided in the Louvre with his state, and the duchess and her attendants at the hôtel of St. Pol. On Wednesday, the 12th day of January, the queen, attended by the duchess, went to visit her son. A short time before, by the advice of the king of Sicily, the dukes of Berry, of Orleans, and other princes of the blood, she had caused four knights and many other servants belonging to her son of Aquitaine to be arrested and carried away from the Louvre, which had so much enraged the duke that he wanted to sally out to call the populace to his aid in rescuing these prisoners. The princes, his relatives, would not permit him to do this; and the queen his mother appeased his anger in the best manner she could, and then went to the king in the hôtel de St. Pol, leaving with her son the before-mentioned princes, who pacified his anger by gentle and kind words. The four knights who had been arrested were sir John de Croy, the lord de Broy, sir David de Brimeu, sir Bertrand de Montauban, and some others, who very soon after, on promising not to return to the duke of Aquitaine, were set at liberty Sir John de Croy was detained prisoner, and carried as such to Montlehery.
Although the duke of Aquitaine pretended to be satisfied, he nevertheless secretly sent one of his servants to the duke of Burgundy to desire that he would hasten to Paris with all his forces : he afterward wrote to him several letters with his own hand, and without the knowledge of the queen or the princes. When the duke of Burgundy received this intelligence, he was well pleased, as he wished for nothing more than such a pretext to march to Paris, and instantly issued a summons to men-at-arms from all countries, appointing a day for them to meet him at Espelry, near St. Quentin in the Vermandois. For his exculpation, and that the cause of this armament might be known, he wrote letters to all the principal towns in Picardy, a copy of which is as follows:
“Very dear and good friends, you must have it in your remembrance how that last year, in the month of August, my lord the king, returning from his city of Bourges, and tarrying in the town of Auxerre, was desirous that peace should be established for ever between the princes of his blood, and commanded that it should not only be sworn to be observed by them, but likewise by the prelates, nobles, universities, and principal cities in his realm. You likewise know that all present at Auxerre did most solemnly swear to its observance, as well for themselves as for those on whose part they were come thither. My lord the king did afterwards issue letters throughout his realm for the more strictly keeping of this peace, and that it might be sworn to; and you also know that we ourself, and others of the princes of the blood, did, by the king's command, take a solemn oath to maintain this peace, according to the schedule drawn up for this purpose at Auxerre, in which, among other things, it was ordained that a good and perfect union should subsist between these lords, and that henceforth they should live in a manner becoming good relatives and friends.
“Now although this peace has been much wished for by us, and that we have never infringed it, or suffered it to be infringed by others in any degree, nevertheless offensive conduct has been holden toward us by the detestable injuries which many have attempted to do to our most redoubted lady and daughter the duchess of Aquitaine, as is notorious to the whole kingdom, without farther entering into particulars. Very contemptuous conduct has been used toward ourself, and personal injuries have been done us, in banishing from Paris every person that was known to be attached to us or to our aforesaid lord of Aquitaine; in defaming our honour in several public assemblies and in various places, by sermons and harangues, which, notwithstanding the pain it has cost us, we have patiently borne, and should have continued to do so from our love of peace, which is the sovereign good to this kingdom, and to avert all the miseries and distress that must otherwise ensue, had not our most redoubted lord and son, the duke of Aquitaine, made known to us, that, after many injurious excesses which had been committed towards him, to his infinite mortification, he was confined in the Louvre like a prisoner, with the drawbridge of the said castle drawn up, which is an abomination that ought not only to be displeasing to us but to every good subject and wellwisher to our lord the king.
“In consequence of this treatment, my most redoubted lord and son has several times, by messengers and letters, requested our aid and succour to free him from the perilous situation in which he is held ; and since we are so intimately connected by blood, marriage, and other confederations, with our said lord the king, and our beloved lord the duke of Aquitaine, his son, the loyalty and affection we owe to both will prevent us from failing to comply with his demand of assistance and support. We have, therefore, determined to advance to Paris with as large a body of men-at-arms as we can muster, for the security of our person, and that it may please God that we may see in all good prosperity my aforesaid lord the king, my lady the queen, my much redoubted lord of Aquitaine, and my well-beloved daughter his duchess; and likewise that we may deliver them from the danger they are in, and set them, as is but reasonable, at full liberty, without having the smallest intentions of violating the peace of the kingdom. We signify this to you, very dear and good friends, that you may be acquainted with our object, and act accordingly, as becometh well-wishers, and truly obedient subjects, to my said lord the king. Know, therefore, for a truth, that our intentions and will are such as we have said, and none other; and we therefore entreat you most earnestly, from our heart, that in this business, which is of such consequence to my said lords, and for the tranquillity and peace of the realm, you will come forward to our assistance as speedily as possible, that it may be accomplished to our honour and that of my lords the king and the duke of Aquitaine, and for the common good of the realm, and that you will so bear yourselves, that your excellent loyalty may be visible toward my lord the king, the duke of Aquitaine, to the public welfare, and in like manner to ourself, who are only desirous of peace. We have a perfect confidence in you, very dear and good friends, -and may God have you in his holy keeping !
“ Written in our town of Lille, the 23d day of January, in the year of our Lord 1413*, on the eve of our departure."
The superscription was, “ To my very dear and well-beloved the resident burgesses and inhabitants of the town of Amiens.”
These letters thus sent by the duke of Burgundy, and also the levy of men-at-arms which he was making, were immediately known at Paris ; and to counteract the enterprises of the duke, a reconciliation took place between the duke of Aquitaine and the king's ministers, in consequence of which the duke was prevailed on to write letters to different towns to put an end to the intended expedition of the duke of Burgundy. These letters were of the following tenor :
“Louis, eldest son to the king of France, duke of Aquitaine, and dauphin of Vienne, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his lieutenant, greeting. Whereas it has lately come to our knowledge that our very dear and well-beloved father-in-law, the duke of Burgundy, has for a short time past begun to raise a large body of men-at-arms, and still continues to do the same, with the intent, as it is said, of marching them to us, which may be very prejudicial to my lord the king, his realm and subjects, and more especially so to the peace which has been so lately concluded at Auxerre between many princes of our royal blood : we have therefore very fully explained ourself to our aforesaid father-in-law by a letter, the contents of which are as under :
“Louis, eldest son to the king of France, duke of Aquitaine and dauphin of Vienne, to our very dear and well-beloved father the duke of Burgundy health and affection. You know how often my lord the king has repeated his commands to you, both by letter and by able ambassadors, not to raise any bodies of men-at-arms that might be hurtful to the welfare and profit of his kingdom. You know also what oaths you took, as well at Auxerre as at Paris. It has, nevertheless, come to the knowledge of our lord the king, that, contrary to the terms of the peace concluded between our said lord and yourself, and sworn to at Auxerre, you have raised, and continue to raise, bodies of men-at-arms, with the design, as it is said, of coming to us; and, as a pretence for the levying these men-at-arms, you have published letters, as from us, desiring that you would come to our aid with a large force, which thing we have neither done nor thought of doing. Because we are truly sensible, that your coming hither at this time would be very prejudicial to the said peace and welfare of the realm, our said lord the king sends you a sergeant-at-arms of the parliament, with his positive commands not to come hither. We therefore require, and also command you in his name, and on the loyalty and obedience you owe him, as well as for the love and affection you bear to him and to us, and for the good of the realm, which you say you have had always at heart, that notwithstanding any letters or messages you may have had from us, you do for the present lay aside all thoughts of coming to us, otherwise you will incur the anger of our lord the king; and that you do disband any bodies of men-at-arms which are already assembled, and instantly countermand such as have not yet joined. Should you have any causes of complaint, or should anything have happened likely to violate the peace, make them known to my lord or to us; for we know for a truth, that my said lord will provide such remedies for them as shall give you satisfaction. Given at Paris, the 24th day of January, in the year 1413.'
“We also require and command you, the bailiff of Amiens, in the name of my aforesaid lord, to have these presents publicly proclaimed in all usual places where proclamations have been made, within your bailiwick, forbidding, in the king's name, all his vassals and
* This, according to modern computation, would be are indifferently used in ancient documents, which frequently 1414 ; but we are here to understand the year as com- causes very great confusion.-ED. puted cither from Lady-day or from Easter. Both methods