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TABLE IX-Continued.

Local Charges transferred to, and other Charges of a Local Nature borne by, Annual Votes of Parliament.

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1854-55

1856-57

+ 99,426

70,160

66,920

62,365

79,833

103,667

109,026

1859

$27,000

$ 33,799

182,459

192,344

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Central criminal court

Middlesex sessions

Public vaccinators

Elementary education (voluntary schools) :

Fee grant

Annual grants for day and evening scholars

Reformatory schools

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Industrial schools (other than those of local authorities)

Rates on government property

County and borough prisons, and removal of convicts §

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£1,420,183 £2,248,283 £6,870,206 £11,846,482

These amounts include payments in respect of Scotland.

* These amounts include payments to Irish officers. † This includes payments in respect of Scotland. The control and cost of the prisons of Great Britain were taken over by the central government in 1877.

Totals

Total parliamentary subventions
Probate duty and licenses

Customs and excise duties

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(From Mr. Fowler's Report on Local Taxation, 1893.)

Amounts and Purposes of Outstanding Loans of Local Authorities in 1884-85 and 1890-91.

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Including the asylums for imbeciles provided by the managers of the Metropolitan asylums district, loans for which are excluded from the amounts entered under the heading of "lunatic asylums."

TABLE XI.

COMPARISON OF THE VALUATION OF THE PROPERTIES ASSESSED FOR CROWN PURPOSES WITH THAT OF THE SAME PROPERTIES ASSESSED FOR LOCAL PURPOSES.*

(From Report of Local Government Board, 1891-92.)

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In 1889-90 the gross estimated rental of property in England and Wales rated, but not assessed under Schedule A, was £27,301,566. The ratable value of this property was £21,931,257.

NOTE. In columns (2) and (4) the first of the bracketed figures against each year represent the "Gross Estimated Rental" and the second the "Ratable Value."

These figures show that the valuation of property in respect of income tax under Schedule A is now the same as the gross estimated rental shown by the poor rate valuation in the Metropolis, but that, as regards the rest of England, the crown valuation is still largely in excess of the poor rate valuation. In 1890-91 the gross value in the income tax assessment for England and Wales, excluding the Metropolis, exceeded the gross estimated rental for the purposes of the poor rate by 5.7 per cent, whilst in the Metropolis the assessment and the rental were precisely the same in amount.

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THE VILLAGE IN INDIA.

HERE is a vague idea widely current that India is in a peculiar sense the home of what is known as "the village community." "A village community" is a loose phrase, capable of a score of applications, to a chance collection. of squatters' shanties as well as to a Shaker communism. Where there is a keen sense of common interests among the dwellers in a village, the term community is not unsuitable, and but for the further suggestions and implications which have come to be involved in its use, it might still be employed in such a case without hesitation. But the ideas commonly connected with the word go a good deal further than that. It calls up a picture of a group of self-governing tillers of the soil, either owning in common the area which they cultivate, or showing, by the remnants of communal enjoyment which still survive, that such had been their earlier practice. Of such a community, India is usually supposed to furnish abundant examples, or at least abundant evident relics; and its fortunate vitality of "custom" which has passed into a commonplace thus enables it, we are told, to cast a sorely needed light on the earlier condition of Europe.

For our present purpose, it is hardly necessary to trace in any detail the origin of this idea, though it would form a curious and entertaining chapter in the history of thought. We need only notice that in Sir Henry Maine's Village Communities in the East and West (1871) two streams of opinion, previously quite unconnected, came together and united. Of these, one sprang from the European theory of a primitive Teutonic "mark," — a theory which had long been preached by Georg von Maurer, and by this time dominated German historiography; the other rose out of the protracted discussions within Indian administrative circles as to the position of the Indian peasant, and was especially represented by that

school of officials which had followed Holt Mackenzie in his recognition of the co-sharing villages in the Northwest.1 And since that time European and Indian conditions have been so closely associated in the writings of sociologists that it has almost ceased to be possible to discuss either apart. For while, on the one hand, the adherents of the mark theory, as their Teutonic evidence dwindles away, fall back on the comparative method, which frequently resolves itself into an appeal to supposed Indian facts; on the other hand, the younger Indian administrators, brought up in the writings of Maine, can hardly fail to look at Indian phenomena through the spectacles of the mark doctrine.

We need not discuss how far the credit or blame of having popularized the village community idea, as stated above, must be assigned either to Maurer or to Maine, or to a writer whose influence among European sociologists has been far more considerable Émile de Laveleye. With each of these writers it might possibly be urged that his statements were SO guarded or so indistinct as to differ widely from the certitude and definiteness of the current doctrine. It is, however, with this that we have now to do; and it is susceptible of tolerably clear and uncontroversial statement. It holds that the present system of private property in land was preceded by one in which land was owned in common by village groups. This phrase by itself would carry us but a short way; for by "village group" might be understood, and has been understood, almost any sort of small rural aggregation of people. The sort of village, however, that writers have as a matter of fact had in their minds has been the English or German or French village of to-day, minus its squire or seigneurial family; or, still more commonly, the New England township as it now is, or is imagined. Analyzing the idea still further, then, we find that the village group is explicitly or implicitly assumed to have the following characteristics, which are indeed closely connected with one another, but may be conveniently distinguished :

1 Baden-Powell, I, 301; II, 20; cf. I, 170.

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