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To these must be added the 917,475 foreign-born of school age, making 12,421,150 to contrast with the 8,332,072. This shows the magnitude of the task of education we have before us, and also the proportionate part of the foreign element which is accessible, so to speak, to the influence we are trying to bring to bear on them. The proportion is widely different in different parts of the country, and reveals the greatest variety of problems offered by the presence of the foreignborn. Some of the principal points may be considered in connection with the table on the opposite page.

The percentages in this table are intended to show the progress that has been made in bringing the foreign population of the United States under the influence of education. It does not show how far the foreign element takes advantage of the opportunity of education, or how far this education is effective in accomplishing its work. That can be only a matter of observation, or at best of statistics of illiteracy. But it is important to know how far an opportunity is offered to reach these masses which we wish to assimilate. The facts disclosed here are in some respects very curious.

The proportion of native whites of foreign parentage plus the foreign whites of school age (the schooled and schoolable) to the foreign-born whites above the school age, for the whole of the United States, is as 151.39 to 100. This would seem to show that the foreign element is in a controllable position — a position where we can bring the influence of our educational system to bear upon it. As time goes on this proportion should increase; for the foreign-born population is constantly decreased by deaths and the native population of foreign parentage is constantly increasing. The countervailing force is immigration, which, as it holds its own or increases, constantly adds to the adult foreign-born population which never has been, nor can be, subjected to the assimilating influence of education in this country.

Comparing the two sections of the country where the foreign element is strongest, the North Atlantic Division and the North Central Division, we are astonished to find that the

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Compiled from the ELEVENTH CENSUS, Compendium I, pp. 469 and 746.

former is much below the percentage for the whole country and the latter is as much above. In the East there are only 136.48 schooled and schoolable for 100 foreign-born above the school age; while in the West the proportion is 166.73 to 100. We are apt to think of the Western population as composed largely of immigrants of recent years. This comparison, showing apparently that the newly-come foreign element is stronger proportionately in the East than in the West, throws a different light on the task of assimilation which the two sections have before them. The West already has a decided majority of the foreign element at an age when it can be successfully dealt with by the assimilating power of schooling, while the East has a large body of adult foreigners to deal with. A closer examination of the Eastern states discloses the reason for this.

Vermont is an example of a state where immigration has worked its mission and ceased. She is in that second stage where we have for years imagined that the whole of the United States would arrive, namely, that of the dominance of immigrants' children, who, as a result of their birth on American soil, have been subjected to the dissolving influence of American life. There are 170.75 of the schooled and schoolable to 100 of the foreign-born above the school age. A priori we should have expected the other New England states to be in the same condition. Maine shows a slight inclination in that direction; but all the other states are in an entirely different position. New Hampshire, for instance, presents the appearance of a state where the immigration is of recent date, the numbers of the two classes being almost the same (104.87 to 100). Next to New Hampshire comes Massachusetts, where, owing to the strength of the recent immigration, the proportion of the schooled and schoolable to the foreign-born above the school age is as 116.61 to 100. Rhode Island and Connecticut show the same condition of things. The explanation of this situation in New England is doubtless the immigration into the factory towns. The further analysis of the census will show of what nationalities this strong

and newly arrived foreign element is made up. In New York the proportion is also low (138.69 to 100) and may be explained by the residuum of immigrants, who, owing to poverty or inertia, remain at the place of landing. The peculiar position of Pennsylvania (152.6 to 100) is difficult to explain, except on the theory that the immigration years ago was very powerful, so that the number of the second generation is large enough to overcome the more recent immigration.

If we turn our attention to the Western states, similar contrasts meet us. Ohio and Indiana seem to have received their complement of immigrants, and it is the second generation which is now dominant. Accordingly we find in Ohio the proportion to be 197.34 to 100, and in Indiana 229.25 to 100. In the same category is Kansas (191.25 to 100). Missouri (206.56 to 100) is a Southern state in many of its characteristics. It is in Wisconsin and Minnesota that we should look for the great strength of the foreign-born. But in Wisconsin the strength of the schooled and schoolable to the foreign-born above the school age is as 167.99 to 100, greater than in any Eastern state except Vermont. Minnesota has a smaller figure (139.98 to 100), showing that the immigration is more recent than in Wisconsin, but still the proportion is higher than in any Eastern state except Vermont and Pennsylvania. Illinois, Michigan and Nebraska stand between Wisconsin and Minnesota, while Iowa, like Kansas, has the characteristics of an old state.

What is the sociological significance of these contrasts? They give us a new standard for measuring the prospect of assimilating the foreign element in different parts of the United States. In Massachusetts the foreign-born whites number 29.19 per cent of the whole population, and in Wisconsin 30.77 per cent. But the proportion of schooled and schoolable in the former is only 116.61, while in the latter it is 167.99, to 100 of the foreign-born above the school age. Is not the task before the state of Wisconsin less arduous than that before the state of Massachusetts? In New York the foreign-born whites number 26.11 per cent of the total popula

tion; in Minnesota, 35.87 per cent but notwithstanding this, the proportion of the schooled and schoolable to the foreignborn above the school age is almost precisely the same, viz., 138.69 and 139.98 to 100. While the foreign-born in Pennsylvania are 16.04 per cent of its population and in Iowa 16.94 per cent, yet the latter has 185.93, and the former only 152.60, of schooled and schoolable to 100 foreign-born above school age. New Hampshire has 19.18 per cent of its population foreignborn, and Nebraska has about the same number; yet, while Table showing percentage of foreign-born and foreign-parentage popu lation of school age (5 to 17) to whole school population.

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New Hampshire has only 104.87 schooled and schoolable to 100 foreign-born above the school age, the Western state has 156.39 to 100. The contrast between the Eastern and the Western states in this particular is something astonishing.

The task of education imposed upon the several states by the presence of the foreign-born is not quite clearly shown by by the foregoing comparison, for the reason that many of the native whites of foreign parentage are already beyond the school age. In order to measure the present burden we must compare the foreign-born of school age plus the native whites of foreign parentage of school age, with the total number of

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