wish first to direct the attention of the meeting:-". :-"That we deeply sympathise with the injured Queen of Tahiti, under the cruelty, injustice, and oppression by which she has been deprived of her authority and independence." Those who recollect the terms of the first resolution, will perceive at once that this expression is not intended to reflect upon the French Government, but upon the act by which Admiral Thouars has placed the island under the dominion of Frenchmen, and which we hope the French Government will disallow, in consequence of the feelings expressed not only at this meeting, but at other meetings, and by the country at large. The facts of the case have been placed before the meeting; but, as for the most part they were derived from English statements, it is obvious that they may be attacked upon that ground. I shall, therefore, endeavour to set before you what are the statements given upon other authority. In order to add to the information which the meeting may possess, I will give a French version of the same events, which was placed in my hands yesterday. It is contained in the French journal Universelle. According to this, it was not until the year 1836,-and I advert to the circumstance because it has been said that the French and the Roman Catholic priests found their way together to Tahiti,-that two French priests were sent by the Catholic Missionary Society to that island. You have heard that the Queen of Tahiti, in pursuance of a law previously existing, prevented those Missionaries establishing themselves in her island. Of the policy or impolicy, the propriety or impropriety, of such law, I will not speak; but the fact was that, owing to it, these two gentlemen were not permitted to establish themselves there. In consequence of this insult, as it was alleged to be, to the French nation, we find the following statement made in this French journal :-"Outrages like these must not remain unpunished. The Sandwich Islands have been the theatre of scenes very similar, and this religious intolerance called for a striking repression."

It appears, then, by this French account, it was not for any insult perpetrated against the French nation, so much as for the religious intolerance of these islanders, that this naval effort was to be made. In consequence of such religious intolerance, the Venus and the Artemise received instructions on the subject. Here indeed the French Government would seem to be implicated; but the proceedings of their Admiral have not been recognised, and I trust never will be. The French Government sent these two vessels to obtain satisfaction for that alleged insult, which consisted in the Tahitians

acting on their own law. Now, whatever may be considered the policy of such a law, I may remark, in passing, that the French Government did, by the mission of these two vessels, revenge a mode of conduct which they habitually, if I mistake not, exercise themselves. Should you ever pass through France without obtaining a passport from the Government, I ask, whether that Government would not consider itself at liberty to deport you instantly? It is the regular mode of proceeding; so that none of us could do in France what these two Frenchmen did in Tahiti, without being subject at once to that conduct on the part of the French Government. Hence there is a manifest injustice in their conduct in revenging on a feeble nation what they would not allow to be done among themselves.

After exposing other mis-statements in the same paper, Mr. Noel continued:-Some reasons have been adduced by these French writers why the Government should desire to place itself under French protection. The first is, that the island under the gloomy and austere reign of the Mission. aries, had been rapidly depopulating. They state that the population, which fifty years ago amounted to 150,000, has been reduced to 10,000 or 12,000. I have, however, a letter written in 1803, which states that, in consequence of human sacrifices and barbarous wars, the inhabitants of Otaheite had been reduced to 8,000. That was before the Missionaries had exercised the least influence there; and now, according to their calumniators, the number is reduced to 10,000 or 12,000. I have also a letter from Captain Bruce, dated 1838, in which he represents the Society Islands, of which Tahiti is one, as being in a most prosperous state. The next reason assigned by the French writers is, that the gloominess of the religion of the Missionaries is such as to become intolerable to those amiable islanders. The Puritan Missionaries, they say, have imposed the hard and gloomy religion of the Bible, constraining them, among other vexations, to dance no longer on the Lord's-day-no more dances in Tahiti, no more games there, no more music. They then state falsely that, in the year 1823, the English offered their protection; whereas the fact is, that at that time the people themselves wished to be placed under the protection of the British Government, but that Government thought fit to refuse.

In confirmation of the statement made by Dr. Alder as to the anxiety of the Queen to be placed under British protection, Mr. Noel read a letter addressed by her to Capt. Bruce, and also one addressed to his late Majesty, William the Fourth, and resumed

The statements of the French writers show what is to be the character of the religious teaching to be substituted for that introduced by your Missionaries. It is to consist of games, racing for money, and dances after the manner of the Greeks. What then is, in fact, the reason why this convention has been signed? According to a French writer, more candid and more just, "Only when the threat of cannon obliged them to it." If it were a treaty properly formed, however we might lament it, we must allow it to be confirmed; but a great writer on the law of nations has stated, that any treaty in which there is a vice in the formation, is not to be respected by other nations. Here we have an incurable, a fatal vice, and it is a treaty which we are on no account bound to respect. I trust that none of us would be disposed to advocate the exertion of any authority on the part of this country to prevent Roman Catholic Missionaries from landing where they pleased, and propagating their doctrines; norisit our object to interfere with the improvement of French commerce. We do not question their right to form commercial treaties with any other people, if it is proved that they contain no provisions which are unjust to ourselves; nor are we disposed to enter any protest against their acting even in an unjust manner against nations with which we have no connexion, not being fully informed of the circumstances of the case. But when an island, united to us by so many ties, is suffering undeniable injustice, even according to statements made in the most impartial manner in support of those actions against which we protest, then it does become us to contend for these following objects. We have a right, and it is questioned, I imagine, by no one, to mediate and remonstrate strongly on behalf of our fellowProtestants suffering anywhere under cruel injustice; and if our fellow-Protestants in Tahiti are now to have their liberty wrested from them, that is an outrage and a wrong against which the law of nations does not forbid us to remonstrate. If we had no other connexion with them than this, that they are our fellow-Protestants, suffering a cruel outrage, we should have a perfect right as a nation to interpose to save them. You have heard to-day sufficient proof that Tahiti is an old and recognised ally, and the law of nations does not forbid us to interfere.

But there is a still more plain ground upon which our Government might proceed to rescue those innocent people: not only have the population renounced idolatry, and many become true converts to Christ, but civilized habits are spreading amongst them, so that a trade, which

from year to year is sure to enlarge, is already established with the Pacific Islands. I ask, then, whether it is not manifestly right that this great nation should prevent its commerce from being curtailed? All these objects, I trust, may be secured in a way which appears, so far as I can see, liable to no just objection. I do not say to the French nation, you shall not establish any treaty with Tahiti, but if you demand the entire commerce, we cannot consent to that. But have we any hopes of success? Notwithstanding the power of France on the one hand, and the coolness with which our Minister for Foreign Affairs may have listened to any application on the other, I think we have hopes. For it is impossible to escape men of penetration, that in case of a war between the two nations,which I trust never will happen, the immense distance of Tahiti would render it difficult for the French, (gallant though they are, but not so calculated to be a naval as a military people,) to retain the island; it would be the very first possession that would fall into the hands of the English; and the French must be aware how inexpedient it would be to attempt to maintain an establishment there, after their experience with regard to their settlements on the coast of Africa. Therefore, I think, that when French vanity has been satiated for a few moments, they will not deem it desirable to retain possession of the island in the face of the strong remonstrances of England. Nor do I think that a man of such high character and principle as M. Guizot can be insensible to the danger of suffering not only present reproach and indignation from the millions of England, but of having his name handed down in the pages of history as that of the author of an outrage so unprovoked and utterly indefensible. When I look to France, I am not without hope that the just expression of English opinion will have great weight, and prevent the vanity of the nation from implicating and identifying itself with the transaction. Nor am I without hope at home; because a Minister of State will naturally look at both sides of a question and obtain every information he can upon it, before he enters upon a mediation which might involve great consequences. We must not attempt to cure a small evil by committing a greater. We deprecate the idea of war; but when I consider the justice of our claim, I conceive that the mediation may be entered upon without the slightest danger of that calamity.

If, then, the recommendations from this platform to-day be carried out, if the London and other Missionary Societies, and if every town and city of England petition the Government and the

Parliament to interfere on behalf of our persecuted friends, not only will you prove to the Government that it is not the case of a few despised missionaries alone, but that of a large Society, whose ramifications extend through all ranks to the remotest parts of the empire; you will teach France that it cannot, without being held up to all Europe as an unprovoked aggressor upon a defenceless people, continue in the course in which her Admiral has marshalled the way for her. I do not hide from myself the difficulties in your way; I do not pretend to augur that ultimate success which I heartily desire. But I urge you to consider that it is not Tahiti alone which may be sacrificed by the French convention: the same insults which were invented at Tahiti may be invented in other islands. That convention gives the power of banishing from the island any person who speaks a word against the French nation; and it will require no great ingenuity to construe the preaching of the truth as it is in Jesus into an attack upon France, for Roman Catholicism and France are there identified. In that "smooth convention," as some have termed it, I do not see the sign, but I am sure the result will be, that truth will not have a fair battle with error, but error will be forcibly established in those flourishing missions.

Permit me to counsel you that in the course of your benevolent efforts no violent language should be used against the French Government, no, not even if they are found to consent to this act, not even if they were justly to be reproached with this most glaring injustice; because it is very easy to find instances in our own history, perhaps, to match this case. Let us not revile, but calmly and strenuously represent the facts, and ask for justice. Happy will you be, if you are the means of continuing to those innocent people the enjoyment of those comforts and blessings which, under the benign influence of Christianity, they have enjoyed! And if you fail, you will have, at least, the testimony of your own consciences that you have done right, and you will receive the thanks of your fellowProtestants in every part of the world, and, I doubt not, the approval of God. And should those churches be destined to severer trials than we can wish them to experience, it may be, finally, under his wonder-working providence, to manifest more than has ever yet appeared, how, even to the endurance of martyrdom, those principles can sustain us which his grace imparts even to the heart of a reclaimed savage. It is possible also that your Society may influence the Protestants of the United States to join in your remonstrance, and that, as Cromwell did of old, you may awaken all the Protestant

nations and states of Europe to unite with you, and what perhaps may be still more influential, the soundest part of the French population, the Protestants, who are already with you in heart and feeling, whose patriotism cannot be suspected, and whose opinions are not based on English feelings. With such a union of numbers, intelligence, and principle, our efforts may yet be crowned with success.

The resolution was then agreed to.

The Rev. T. ARCHER proposed the next resolution :

"That although this meeting cannot but deplore the imposition of the principles and rites of Popery on a people but recently emerged from Pagan darkness, it nevertheless devoutly recognises, in this painful dispensation, the wise and holy providence of God; and, trusting in his faithfulness and mercy, this meeting humbly prays that he will make the wrath of man to praise him, by overruling injustice and oppression for the furtherance of the Gospel, and by securing, from the renewed hostility of an apostate Church, brighter triumphs for the Saviour, in the final overthrow of Antichrist, and the redemption of the world."

I

The motion refers rather to the religious than to the social or commercial aspect of the question. It seems to be our duty to bow before God, and recognise his infallible wisdom and authority. All the hopes of the Christian Church proceed from him and him only. While we, perhaps, were dreaming all was happy and secure, he with one blow of his right hand has partially laid our hopes in the dust, that we may learn to place more reliance upon him. But, if this event have the effect of unmasking Popery, and showing more clearly its unchangeable character, and that it is now aiming to make up for the losses it suffered by the Reformation; if it induces the Church of Christ to fight the battle of Protestant truth, God will have taught us by this affliction a most beneficial lesson. condemn this act of France on account of its thorough hollow-hearted hypocrisy. If the Admiral had boldly come forward and demanded possession of the island for the purpose of colonization or of commerce, that would have been honest; but to say that the Queen required protection when her words were, That rather than submit to such terms, she would die, trusting in God-to say such a person was a voluntary agent when she signed the convention, was a monstrous imposition. Nor was it better to say that the people could not protect and govern themselves. And then what was to protect them? I characterize the action as a gross violation of religious liberty and of civil rights. The Roman Catholics have a right to go wherever they can, and introduce their own doctrines -they would be acting inconsistently if they did not; but they have no right to interfere with the laws of any particular

country. And when they find a law enacted they are bound to respect it. I cannot help thinking that this action on the part of the French navy, if ratified by the Government, will be an act unparalleled for its meanness as well as for its atrocity. The day has been when the recital of such a deed would have roused the chivalry of Europe. When the rage for colonization, for which the French are most unfit, and the passion for prose. lytism-a singular climax to the long train of infidel philosophy-shall have passed away, the statesmen of France will execrate such a deed as a foul blot on her fair escutcheon. Let it not be thought that the case is desperate. We are not yet sunk so low that Britain is to be disregarded; and France is not quite so high as to treat our opinion with contempt. France may disavow the deed; but, if not, we shall have done our duty to ourselves and our posterity; we shall have vindicated our own consistency; and, if Tahiti should fall, we shall feel that it was not without a noble endeavour to save her.

The Rev. J. CUMMING, of the Church of Scotland, said,-I believe that the Roman Catholic priesthood will henceforth possess a footing for the spread of anti-scriptural opinions such as they never did before in Tahiti-principles so congenial as theirs to human nature must exercise a powerful influence over a people just emerging from barbarism. The poor islanders will be taught no longer to cry, "Abba, Father," but to substitute for it the miserable and wretched Ave Maria; serious obstacles will speedily be thrown in the way of the preaching of the Gospel by the faithful ambassadors of our Missionary Societies. If the Church of Rome availed itself only of spiritual, moral, and intellectual weapons to spread its principles, we should have nothing to say. We might deplore their success, but we would not, by physical weapons, restrain them. But the same principles will be taught in Tahiti, and the same weapons used, as have hitherto characterised the Church of Rome. I regard the aggression with great alarm. To me it appears a part of that dreadful conspiracy against the rights of man, that dreadful treachery to all the principles of Divine truth, which is contaminating vast numbers at home, and endeavouring to crush greater numbers abroad; and against which all who love our common freedom and our common faith, the glory of our God and the perpetuity of our principles, whether in Tahiti or in London, are called upon prayerfully, firmly, and perseveringly to protest.

The resolution was then put, and carried unanimously.

The Rev. J. BLACKBURN rose to propose the last resolution. He said that the his

tory of Roman Catholic missions throughout the world, would prove that Romanism was no better than a baptized Paganism, and that the Missionaries of the Romish Church had gone to different places to establish rites rather than to diffuse opinions. The attempt upon Tahiti was an attempt not to produce new convictions, but to introduce new ceremonies. We were at issue with Rome as to what it was which religion really consisted of. Let no unbeliever present be mistaken upon this point. We maintain that the views which would be diffused by the Missionaries from France, are views subversive of the Gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ, and for this reason we feel bound to do all in our power to prevent their diffusion. For many years our Missions in the South Seas had been the objects of slander. Kotzebue had stated that the inhabitants of the islands of the South Seas had less regard for sobriety, morality, and decency after than before they were initiated into Protestantism, but Capt. Waldegrave and Capt. Byron had given far different testimony; on that very platform they had borne witness to the Christian virtues of the natives of Tahiti. The Society for the Propagation of the Faith had upon this subject uttered what it knew and what could be proved to be false; and in a course of lectures, delivered in St. Mary's, Moorfields, the Protestant Mission had been wantonly misrepresented. It became them to defend themselves against these aggressions of the Papacy. I trust that this meeting will teach all Protestants, and all evangelical and spiritually-minded Christians, that the time is come when we must lay aside all our little bickerings, and stand up for the great doctrines of the Reformation. There are about seventy millions of Protestants throughout the world; most enlightened, intelligent, and moral-this meeting will tell how they must act. The Bible Society, under the providence of God, sent a complete edition of the Bible to Tahiti just before this transaction, and the people eagerly bought it up. Here, then, we shall have the sword of the Spirit and the sword of the flesh brought one against the other, and shall God's word fail? Let us make special mention in our prayers of our poor brethren in Tahiti, that God's Holy Spirit may enable them so to bear the onset that the wrath of man shall praise him, and the rest he will restrain.

The Rev. J. BURNET, in rising to second the resolution, said, I am anxious to set this meeting and the public right upon some points. One is, that any attempt at interference on the part of this meeting with the French Government, does not itself rest upon religious grounds. But we have simply come here for the purpose of influencing

our own Government, and if we can the French Government, on behalf of a nation, helpless and poor compared with the great and mighty people that have stooped from their greatness, and in some degree dishonoured their name, by interfering with the liberties of that helpless people. We have been induced to do this more by religious connexion with Tahiti, than any other consideration; and we have no wish, as it has been said, to attempt a religious crusade, or a chivalrous crusade, on behalf of all the independent nations throughout the earth, and to take them under our shield. But when these people, who have been peculiarly endeared to us by religious ties; and this island, which has become a province of our own religious world, and which has been civilized and cultivated at our expense, and by the zeal and self-denial, by the lives and the deaths of our missionaries, and which has clung to us, under all circumstances, ever since its eyes have been opened to the truth and the pure testimony of the Word of God; when this island is placed under its present circumstances, we should be less than patriots and Christians, if we held back, and did not stir up all our sympathies and energies in favour of the people, and respond to their cry for help, on finding their country plundered from them.

It has been said it would be wrong to prevent any system, however erroneous, from fairly diffusing its own principles. I say so too. But it must be in a fair, honest, and honourable way. The Government of Tahiti had a right to tell those priests that they could not live there, if that Government deemed it expedient to tell them so. If an individual should say he is inclined to come into the circle of my family to disseminate the doctrines of the Church of Rome, I should say, I do not doubt your inclination, but I have no desire for your services; and would anybody say then that I persecuted the priest? A nation is a family; and if any individual is deemed dangerous to the nation, the Sovereign or the Government has a right to say, Whatever your kind intentions are, there is no occasion for your services. There is no persecution in this; especially when you associate the dismission of those missionaries with the kind farewell letter of the Queen. There appears to have been no violence. I am a free-trade man; but if I go to a country which declares that it does not choose to have me for a customer, what am I to do? Take possession of the country because it will not trade with me? Neither can I think it right to force truth upon the shores of any nation, any more than to force error. I think, therefore, the expulsion of those Missionaries is no just ground for the aggression. The French however do not admit

that it was an aggression; but say that the country volunteered itself into their arms. And what did they do? One circumstance shows this assertion to be incorrect. After they had formed an alliance with this will. ing, confiding, and affectionate people, they have so much confidence in their voluntary attachment, that they actually appoint three of their own party to see that these voluntarily attached persons do not do them any harm, and that at a time when their cannons were pointed at the shores. It was clear that the people did not love them. We now offer France the advice we should take. We find her departing from an honourable course, and we call upon her to retrace her steps. I believe France will not confirm this transaction. I do not blame France; I do not condemn her. The transaction is one that it is impossible to believe a nation of high-toned feeling and manliness of spirit can be guilty of. Until France, then, has proclaimed her own shame by declaring herself implicated and bound by that transaction, I will not blame her. She has not yet done so; and I hope she never will do so. I will stand up for France, then, even against her own Government. It is said other islands may be treated in the same manner. A negotiation is now going on with respect to the Sandwich Islands, and treaties upon that subject are drawn up between America and England, and, let me add, France, to secure the independency of the Sandwich Islands, and prevent them from being siezed by Adml. Thouars, or any other French admiral. The three nations are at this moment about to close and sign a treaty guaranteeing the independence of the Sandwich Islands, and why should not Tahiti, with the whole of the Society Islands, be included? These islands are of no value; they are worth nothing to France. Let us press on our Government the necessity of securing their independence and our work is done. The resolution I have to move is the following

"That this meeting affectionately and urgently invites the Protestant churches of Britain, of Europe, of America, and throughout the world, to unite in the public reprobation of this act of French aggression and Popish intrigue, and to employ all appropriate and pacific means for restoring to the Queen of Tahiti and her people, the enjoyment of their independence; and also for preventing any similar outrage on the civil rights and religious freedom of the other evangelised islanders of Poly

nesia.

"Also, that a memorial, embodying the senti ments expressed in the preceding resolutions, be presented to Her Majesty's Government, the same being first signed by the Chairman, and other members of this assembly."

The resolution having been carried, a vote of thanks was presented to the Chairman, on the motion of the Rev. A. TIDMAN, which was seconded by W. A. Hankey, Esq., and the meeting separated.