tears of joy and transports of congratulation. This office of gratitude to Heaven was followed by an act of justice to their commander. They threw themselves at the feet of Columbus, with feelings of self-condemnation mingled with reverence. They implored him to pardon their ignorance, incredulity, and insolence, which had created him so much unnecessary disquiet, and had so often obstructed the prosecution of his well concerted plan; and passing, in the warmth of their admiration, from one extreme to another, they now pronounced the man, whom they had so lately reviled and threatened, to be a person inspired by Heaven with sagacity and fortitude more than human, in order to accomplish a design so far beyond the ideas and conception of all former ages.

As soon as the sun arose, all their boats were manned and armed. They rowed towards the island with their colours displayed, with warlike music, and other martial pomp. As they approached the coast, they saw it covered with a multitude of people, whom the novelty of the spectacle had drawn together, whose attitudes and gestures expressed wonder and astonishment at the strange objects which presented themselves to their view. Columbus was the first European who set foot in the New World which he had discovered. He landed in a rich dress, and with a naked sword in his hand. His men followed, and kneeling down, they all kissed the ground which they had so long desired to see. They next erected a crucifix, and prostrating themselves before it, returned thanks to God for conducting their voyage to such a happy issue. They then took solemn possession of the country for the crown of Castile and Leon, with all the formalities which the Portuguese were accustomed to observe in acts of this kind, in their new discoveries.

The Spaniards, while thus employed, were surrounded by many of the natives, who gazed, in silent admiration, upon actions which they could not comprehend, and of which they did not foresee the consequences. The dress of the Spaniards, the whiteness of their skins, their beards, their arms, appeared strange and surprising. The vast machines in which they had traversed the ocean, that seemed to move upon the waters with wings, and uttered a dreadful sound resembling thunder, accompanied with lightning and smoke, struck them with such terror, that they began to respect their new guests as a superior order of beings, and concluded that they were children from the Sun, who had descended to visit the earth.

The Europeans were hardly less amazed at the scene now before them. Every herb, and shrub, and tree, was different from those which flourished in Europe. The soil seemed to be rich, but bore few marks of cultivation. The climate, even to the Spaniards, felt warm, though extremely delightful. The inhabitants appeared in the simple innocence of nature, entirely naked. Their black hair, long and uncurled, floated upon their shoulders, or was bound in tresses around their heads. They had no beards, and every part of their bodies was perfectly smooth. Their complexion was of a dusky copper colour, their features singular, rather than disagreeable, their aspect gentle and timid. Though not tall, they were well shaped and active. Their faces, and several parts of their body, were fantastically painted with glaring colours. They were shy at first through fear, but soon became familiar with the Spaniards, and with transports of joy received from them hawks-bells, glass beads, or other baubles, in return for which they gave such

provisions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only commodity of value that they could produce. Towards evening, Columbus returned to his ship, accompanied by many of the islanders in their boats, which they called canoes, and though rudely formed out of the trunk of a single tree, they rowed them with surprising dexterity. Thus, in the first interview between the inhabitants of the old and new worlds, every thing was conducted amicably, and to their mutual satisfaction. The former, enlightened and ambitious, formed already vast ideas with respect to the advantages which they might derive from the regions that began to open to their view. The latter, simple and undiscerning, had no foresight to the calamities and desolation which were approaching their country.

Chivalry.

The feudal state was a state of almost perpetual war, rapine, and anarchy; during which the weak and unarmed were exposed to insults or injuries. The power of the sovereign was too limited to prevent these wrongs; and the administration of justice too feeble to redress them. The most effectual protection against violence and oppression, was often found to be that which the valour and generosity of private persons afforded. The same spirit of enterprise which had prompted so many gentlemen to take arms in defence of the oppressed pilgrims in Palestine, incited others to declare themselves the patrons and avengers of injured innocence at home. When the final reduction of the Holy Land under the dominion of infidels put an end to these foreign expeditions, the latter was the only employment left for the activity and courage of adventurers. To check the insolence of overgrown oppressors; to rescue the helpless from captivity; to protect, or to avenge women, orphans, and ecclesiastics, who could not bear arms in their own defence; to redress wrongs, and to remove grievances, were deemed acts of the highest prowess and merit. Valour, humanity, courtesy, justice, honour, were the characteristic qualities of chivalry. To these were added religion, which mingled itself with every passion and institution during the middle ages, and by infusing a large proportion of enthusiastic zeal, gave them such force, as carried them to romantic excess. Men were trained to knighthood by a long previous discipline; they were admitted into the order by solemnities no less devout than pompous; every person of noble birth courted that honour; it was deemed a distinction superior to royalty; and monarchs were proud to receive it from the hands of private gentlemen.

War

This singular institution, in which valour, gallantry, and religion were so strangely blended, was wonderfully adapted to the taste and genius of martial nobles; and its effects were soon visible in their manners. was carried on with less ferocity, when humanity came to be deemed the ornament of knighthood no less than courage. More gentle and polished manners were introduced, when courtesy was recommended as the most amiable of knightly virtues. Violence and oppression decreased, when it was reckoned meritorious to check and to punish them. A scrupulous adherence to truth, with the most religious attention to fulfil every engagement, became the distinguishing characteristic of a gentleman, because chivalry was regarded as the school of honour, and inculcated the most delicate sensibility with respect to those points. The admiration of these qualities, together with the high

distinctions and prerogatives conferred on knighthood in every part of Europe, inspired persons of noble birth on some occasions with a species of military fanaticism, and led them to extravagant enterprises. But they deeply imprinted on their minds the principles of generosity and honour. These were strengthened by every thing that can affect the senses or touch the heart. The wild exploits of those romantic knights who sallied forth in quest of adventures are well known, and have been treated with proper ridicule. The political and permanent effects of the spirit of chivalry have been less observed. Perhaps, the humanity which accompanies all the operations of war, the refinements of gallantry, and the point of honour, the three chief circumstances which distinguish modern from ancient manners, may be ascribed in a great measure to this institution, which has appeared whimsical to superficial observers, but by its effects has proved of great benefit to mankind. The sentiments which chivalry inspired, had a wonderful influence on manners and conduct during the twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. They were so deeply rooted, that they continued to operate after the vigour and reputation of the institution itself began to decline.

Francis I. and Charles V.

During twenty-eight years of that time, an avowed rivalship subsisted between him and the Emperor, which involved not only their own dominions, but the greater part of Europe, in wars, which were prosecuted with more violent animosity, and drawn out to a greater length, than had been known in any former period. Many circumstances contributed to this. Their animosity was founded in opposition of interest, heightened by personal emulation, and exasperated not only by mutual injuries, but by reciprocal insults. At the same time, whatever advantage one seemed to possess towards gaining the ascendant, was wonderfully balanced by some favourable circumstance peculiar to the other. The Emperor's dominions were of great extent, the French King's lay more compact; Francis governed his kingdom with absolute power; that of Charles was limited, but he supplied the want of authority by address: the troops of the former were more impetuous and enterprising; those of the latter better disciplined, and more patient of fatigue. The talents and abilities of the two Monarchs were as different as the advantages which they possessed, and contributed no less to prolong the contest between them. Francis took his resolutions suddenly, prosecuted them at first with warmth, and pushed them into execution with a most adventurous courage; but being destitute of the perseverance necessary to surmount difficulties, he often abandoned his designs, or relaxed the vigour of pursuit, from impatience, and sometimes from levity. Charles deliberated long, and determined with coolness; but having once fixed his plan, he adhered to it with inflexible obstinacy, and neither danger nor discouragement could turn him aside from the execution of it. The success of their enterprises was as different as their characters, and was uniformly influenced by them. Francis, by his impetuous activity, often disconcerted the Emperor's best laid schemes; Charles, by a more calm but steady prosecution of his designs, checked the rapidity of his rival's career, and baffled or repulsed his most vigorous efforts. The former, at the opening of a war or of a

campaign, broke in upon his enemy with the violence of a torrent, and carried all before him; the latter, waiting until he saw the force of his rival begin to abate, recovered in the end not only all that he had lost, but made new acquisitions. Few of the French Monarch's attempts towards conquest, whatever promising aspect they might wear at first, were conducted to an happy issue; many of the Emperor's enterprises, even after they appeared desperate and impracticable, terminated in the most prosperous manner. Francis was dazzled with the splendour of an undertaking ; Charles was allured by the prospect of its turning to his advantage.

Robertson's historical works appeared in more than twenty collective editions or reprints, including those of 1800-2 and of 1865, and were translated into French and German. There are Lives of him by Dugald Stewart (1801) and Bishop Gleig (1812), as well as by his grand-nephew Brougham in his Men of Letters; and there is much interesting matter about him in 'Jupiter' Carlyle's Autobiography and Cockburn's Memorials.

Minor Historians.

Abel Boyes (1667-1729), a Protestant refugee from Languedoc, wrote histories of William III. and of Queen Anne, a Life of Sir William Temple, and other historical and miscellaneous works filling nearly four folio pages in the British Museum catalogue. It was he who founded the Political State of Great Britain, a monthly magazine that ran to thirty-eight volumes (1711-29) ; he earned the hatred of Swift by his whiggery, and secured a place in the Dunciad. Archibald Bower (1686-1766), born near Dundee and bred at Douay and Rome, became a Jesuit and a professor in Italy, but broke his vows and became a Protestant; and having again become a Jesuit and again left the Roman communion, was not unnaturally charged with duplicity and worse by controversialists on both sides. He was one of the contributors to the huge Universal History, projected by the booksellers, of which the ancient part (1736-44) filled seven volumes folio, the modern part (1759-65) sixteen folios. His History of the Popes (5 vols. 1748-61) is illproportioned and far from authoritative. Another contributor to the Universal History was Dr John Campbell of Glenlyon (1708-75), who wrote also a Life of Prince Eugene, the Lives of the Admirals, a political survey of Great Britain, a novel, and other works. Equally industrious was William Guthrie (1708-70), son of an Episcopalian minister at Brechin, who compiled histories of England and of Scotland, a general history of the world, and a geographical, historical, and commercial geography. A very important collaborator on the Universal History was the otherwise notorious George Psalmanazar, 'the Formosan,' born presumably in Languedoc about 1680, who, after a vagabond life in Germany and the Low Countries, came to London in 1703 and gave himself out for a native of Formosa, issued a partly compiled, partly concocted, history of the island,

and translated the Church Catechism into what he pretended was the regular and sonorous Formosan

language. After a spell of tutoring, fan-painting, &c., he finally settled down to honest and creditable hackwork till his death in 1763. Another of the company of collaborators was George Sale (1697-1736), Oriental scholar, born in Kent and bred to the law. Besides helping with the Universal History, he was author of the General Dictionary, but is best known by his unrivalled translation of the Koran, with notes and introductión (1734; new ed. 1882-86). James Granger (1723-76), out of whose name has been coined the term for a collectors' fad, was born at Shaftesbury, and died vicar of Shiplake, Oxfordshire. He published a Biographical History of England (1769; 5th ed. 1824), and insisted much on the utility of a collection of engraved portraits.' His advice led to extraordinary zeal in collecting portraits, and 'grangerised copies' of books of biography, history, topography, &c. were embellished' with engravings gathered from all quarters. William Tytler (1711-92) of Woodhouselee, an Edinburgh Writer to the Signet, combated Robertson's views on Queen Mary in his Inquiry into the Evidence against Mary Queen of Scots. It was a son of this Tytler (17471813), another lawyer, raised to the Bench as Lord Woodhouselee, who compiled a general history of the world; and his grandson was author of the well-known History of Scotland. Robert Henry (1718-90) was an Edinburgh minister who produced a history of England 'on a new plan' (6 vols. 1771-93), including sections on the constitution, learning, commerce, and social aspects of the period. Robert Watson (1730?-81), Principal of St Salvator's College at St Andrews, prepared a history of Philip II. of Spain that was long a standard work. Gilbert Stuart (1742-86), son of an Edinburgh professor, became notorious as an unscrupulous reviewer, and wrote a history of the Reformation in Scotland, and a history of Scotland from the Reformation to the death of Queen Mary, well written but not trustworthy. William Russell (1741-93), a Selkirk farmer's son, made a name for himself in London as author of a history of America, and of an unfinished but meritorious history of modern Europe (1779–84).

Thomas Reid (1710-96), the principal light of the Scottish school of philosophy, was born at the manse of Strachan in Kincardineshire ; studied at Marischal College, Aberdeen; and became minister of New Machar, Aberdeenshire. In 1752 he was appointed Professor of Moral Philosophy in King's College, Aberdeen, a post he quitted in 1763 for the chair of moral philosophy in Glasgow. His Inquiry into the Human Mind, published in 1764, was an attack on the 'ideal theory' of Berkeley, and on the sceptical conclusions which Hume deduced from it. The author had the candour to submit it to Hume before publication; and Hume, with his usual complacency and good nature, acknowledged its

merit. In 1785 Reid published his Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man, and in 1788 those on the Active Powers. The ideal theory which he combated taught that nothing is perceived bu what is in the mind which perceives it; that we really do not perceive things that are external but only certain images and pictures of them imprinted upon the mind, which are called impres sions and ideas.' This doctrine Reid had himself believed, till, finding it led to alarmingly negative consequences in Hume's hands, he was startled as Kant also was, and asked himself the question: "What evidence have I for this doctrine, that all the objects of my knowledge are ideas in my own mind?' He set about an inquiry, but could find no evidence for the principle, he says, excepting the authority of philosophers. He took refuge in the verdict of what he called, rather unfortunately, common-sense. For it was not to the summary conclusions of ordinary unreasoned consciousness that he appealed, but to the common reason of mankind as constituted by a series of fundamental judgments expressed in the very structure of human language and intuitively recognised by the mind as true. His successor at the head of the Scottish school, Dugald Stewart, said of Reid, that it was by the logical rigour of his method of investigating metaphysical subjectsimperfectly understood even by the disciples of Locke-still more than by the importance of his particular conclusions, that he stood conspicuously distinguished among those who had hitherto prosecuted analytically the study of man.

Hamilton shared Stewart's high opinion of Reid, and produced the standard edition of his works (1846-53; completed by Mansel in 1863), which became known in France through Royer-Collard and Cousin, and were translated into French by Jouffroy. There is a monograph on Reid by Professor Campbell Fraser (1898),

Alexander Gerard (1728–95), born at the manse of Chapel of Garioch in Aberdeenshire, who from 1750 was professor in Marischal or in King's College, Aberdeen, deserves a place here as having influenced many subsequent writers on æsthetics, taste, and criticism at home and abroad. In 1759 he published an essay to which the Philosophical Society of Edinburgh had given a prize, its main contention being that taste consists chiefly in the improvement of those principles which are commonly called the powers of imagina tion, including the sense of novelty, beauty, sublimity, imitation, harmony, ridicule, virtue, and giving scope to the principle of association, further followed out by Alison.

Lord Kames, Henry Home (1696–1782), was the son of George Home of Kames in Berwickshire; was called to the Bar in 1723; in 1752 was raised to the Bench, assuming the title of Lord Kames; and in 1763 he was made one of the Lords of Justiciary. In 1728 he published Remarkable Decisions of the Court of Session. In his Essays on the Principles of Morality and Natural Religion (1751), he combated those theories of human

nature which deduce all actions from some single principle, and attempted to establish several principles of action. He maintained philosophical necessity in support of morality and religion, and, like so many others, was directly or indirectly writing against Hume-yet he narrowly escaped a citation before the Edinburgh Presbytery on account of this book. In 1762 appeared his most notable work, The Elements of Criticism, in three volumes, which, discarding all arbitrary rules of literary criticism derived from authority, sought for rules in the fundamental principles of human nature itself. Dugald Stewart held this to be the first systematic attempt to investigate the metaphysical principles of the fine arts, and declared that it had, ‘in spite of numerous defects both in point of taste and philosophy, infinite merits.' Its style was heavy and crabbed; Dr Johnson pooh-poohed it; and it was superseded by Campbell's book. When near eighty years of age Kames published Sketches of the History of Man (2 vols. 4to, 1774), containing many curious disquisitions on society. In Loose Hints on Education (1781) he anticipates some doctrines which have since been popular; and he was a copious writer on law and constitutional history. As an amateur agriculturist and improver of land, he was moved to produce The Gentleman Farmer (1777), which he described as 'an attempt to improve agriculture by subjecting it to the test of rational principles.'

Walter Goodall (1706?-66), a Banffshire man, educated at King's College, Aberdeen, became assistant librarian to the advocates at Edinburgh under Ruddiman and Hume, and published in 1754 an Examination of the Letters said to have been written by Mary Queen of Scots, which has the distinction of starting one of the most lively and inveterate of Scottish historical controversies. It embodies the first systematic attempt to prove the spuriousness of the famous Casket Letters, and it was so far successful as to show that the published French versions were not originals but merely translations. An imperfect scholar and a truculent controversialist, Goodall was yet a man of some ability and acuteness, although Mr Skelton was guilty of ridiculous extravagance in comparing his work with that of Scaliger and Bentley. His edition of the chronicles of Fordun and Walter Bower, published in 1759, was a great improvement on that of Hearne.

Robert Lowth (1710-87), born at Winchester, was educated there and at New College, Oxford, where in 1741 he became Professor of Poetry. Appointed successively Archdeacon of Winchester, rector of East Woodhay, prebendary of Durham, and rector of Sedgefield, he was in 1766 called to fill the see first of St Davids and then of Oxford, and in 1777 that of London. He published a long and widely famous treatise, De Sacra Poesi Hebræorum (1753), a Life of William of Wykeham, and a new translation of Isaiah. A Fellow

of the Royal Society from 1765 on, he was one of the first to treat the Bible poetry as literature.

The Earl of Chatham, William Pitt 'the elder' (1708-78), was the younger son of Robert Pitt of Boconnoc in Cornwall. Educated at Eton and Trinity College, Oxford, he obtained a cornetcy in the Blues, and in 1735 entered Parliament for the family borough Old Sarum. His talents for debate were soon conspicuous; and erelong, as leader of the young 'Patriot' Whigs, he joined in the opposition to Walpole. In 1756 Pitt was made Secretary of State, a position which, next year, under the nominal leadership of the Duke of Newcastle, became virtually that of Premier; and henceforward his life is part of the history of Britain. His war policy was characterised by unusual vigour, sagacity, and success. French armies were beaten everywhere by Britain and her allies-in India, in Africa, in Canada, on the Rhine-and British fleets drove the few French ships they did not capture or destroy from almost every sea. Driven from office after the accession of George III., Pitt again became a Minister in 1766 in the Duke of Grafton's Cabinet; but in 1768 he resigned to hold office no more. He spoke strongly against the arbitrary and harsh policy towards the American colonies, and warmly urged an amicable settlement of the differences. But when it was proposed to make peace on any terms, ill though he was, Chatham came down to the House of Lords (2nd April 1778), and by a powerful address secured a majority against the motion. But exhausted by speaking, on rising again to reply to a question, he fell back into the arms of his friends, and died in the following month. His imposing appearance and his magnificent voice added greatly to the attractions of his oratory; his haughtiness irritated even his friends. In 1740

he made a memorable reply to the elder Horatio Walpole (brother of Sir Robert), who had taunted him for his youth; a reply quoted on the authority of Dr Johnson, who then reported the parliamentary debates for the Gentleman's Magazine. The substance of the speech may be Chatham's; the form is obviously in large measure Johnson's. But the speech is too famous a fragment in literature to be omitted, though the contrast to Chatham's own style, as illustrated in the next extract, is marked enough.

Reply to the Charge of being Young. SIR-The atrocious crime of being a young man, which the honourable gentleman has, with such spirit and decency, charged upon me, I shall neither attempt to palliate nor deny, but content myself with wishing that I may be one of those whose follies may cease with their youth, and not of that number who are ignorant in spite of experience. Whether youth can be imputed to any man as a reproach, I will not, sir, assume the province of determining; but surely age may become justly contemptible, if the opportunities which it brings have

passed away without improvement, and vice appears to prevail when the passions have subsided. The wretch who, after having seen the consequences of a thousand errors, continues still to blunder, and whose age has only added obstinacy to stupidity, is surely the object either of abhorrence or contempt, and deserves not that his gray hairs should secure him from insult. Much more, sir, is he to be abhorred who, as he has advanced in age, has receded from virtue, and become more wicked with less temptation; who prostitutes himself for money which he cannot enjoy, and spends the remains of his life in the ruin of his country. But youth, sir, is not my only crime; I have been accused of acting a theatrical part. A theatrical part may either imply some peculiarities of gesture, or a dissimulation of my real sentiments, and an adoption of the opinions and language of another

man.

In the first sense, sir, the charge is too trifling to be confuted, and deserves only to be mentioned that it may be despised. I am at liberty, like every other man, to use my own language; and though, perhaps, I may have some ambition to please this gentleman, I shall not lay myself under any restraint, nor very solicitously copy his diction or his mien, however matured by age, or modelled by experience. But if any man shall, by charging me with theatrical behaviour, imply that I utter any sentiments but my own, I shall treat him as a calumniator and a villain; nor shall any protection shelter him from the treatment he deserves. I shall on such an occasion, without scruple, trample upon all those forms with which wealth and dignity intrench themselves; nor shall anything but age restrain my resentment; age, which always brings one privilege, that of being insolent and supercilious, without punishment. But with regard, sir, to those whom I have offended, I am of opinion that if I had acted a borrowed part, I should have avoided their censure; the heat that offended them is the ardour of conviction, and that zeal for the service of my country which neither hope nor fear shall influence me to suppress. I will not sit unconcerned while my liberty is invaded, nor look in silence upon public robbery. I will exert my endeavours, at whatever hazard, to repel the aggressor, and drag the thief to justice, whoever may protect him in his villainy, and whoever may partake of his plunder.

Against Employing Indians in the War with the American Colonies.

I cannot, my lords, I will not, join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace. This, my lords, is a perilous and tremendous moment; it is not a time for adulation; the smoothness of flattery cannot save us in this rugged and awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct the throne in the language of truth. We must, if possible, dispel the delusion and darkness which envelop it, and display, in its full danger and genuine colours, the ruin which is brought to our doors. Can ministers still presume to expect support in their infatuation? Can parliament be so dead to their dignity and duty as to give their support to measures thus obtruded and forced upon them; measures, my lords, which have reduced this late flourishing empire to and contempt? But yesterday, and England might have stood against the world: now, none so poor to do her reverence! The people whom we at first despised as rebels, but whom we now acknowledge

scorn

as enemies, are abetted against you, supplied with every military store, have their interest consulted, and their ambassadors entertained, by your inveterate enemy and ministers do not, and dare not, interpose with dig nity or effect. The desperate state of our army abroad is in part known. No man more highly esteems aa honours the English troops than I do; I know thei virtues and their valour; I know they can achieve any thing but impossibilities; and I know that the conques of English America is an impossibility. You cannot my lords, you cannot conquer America. What is you present situation there? We do not know the worst but we know that in three campaigns we have don nothing and suffered much. You may swell every expense, accumulate every assistance, and extend you traffic to the shambles of every German despot; you attempts will be for ever vain and impotent-doubly so, indeed, from this mercenary aid on which you rely for it irritates, to an incurable resentment, the mind of your adversaries, to overrun them with the mercenar sons of rapine and plunder, devoting them and thei possessions to the rapacity of hireling cruelty. If were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I never would lay down my arms: Never, never, never! But, my lords, who is the man that, in addition to the disgrace and mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorise and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage; to call into civilised alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods; to delegate to the merciless Indian the defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against cur brethren? My lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. But, my lords, this barbarous measure has been defended, not only on the principles of policy and necessity, but also on those of morality; 'for it is perfectly allowable,' says Lord Suffolk, 'to use all the means which God and nature have put into our hands.' I am astonished, I am shocked, to hear such principles confessed; to hear them avowed in this house or in this country. My lords, I did not intend to encroach so much on your attention; but I cannot repress my indignation-I feel myself impelled to speak. My lords, we are called upon as members of this house, as men, as Christians, to protest against such horrible barbarity! That God and nature have put into our hands! What ideas of God and nature that noble lord may entertain, I know not; but I know that such detestable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What! to attribute the sacred sanction of God and nature to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering, devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims! Such notions shock every precept of morality, every feeling of humanity, every sentiment of honour. These abominable principles, and this more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation. I call upon that right reverend, and this most learned bench, to vindicate the religion of their God, to support the justice of their country. I call upon the bishops to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their lawn; upon judges to interpose the purity of their ermine, to save us from this pollution. I call upon the honour of your lordships, to reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your own. I call upon the spirit and humanity of my country to vindicate the national

the