a man with some enthusiasm in his temperament should fall into the hallucination. But that a man who has shown himself equal to the suppression of cruelty and rapine, to the substitution of fertility for desolation, to the establishment of justice where oppression ruled before, to the gradual spread of practical religion in the guise of disinterested justice over the face of the fair realms previously disfigured by the barbarities of superstition; that such a man should fancy he can derive any help from a promiscuous issue of laity and clergy who cannot earn a decent maintenance at home, would indeed be cause for astonishment, did not sorrowful experience prove how often the crude notions of early education prevail over the strongest powers of observation and the acutest reflections. Does any man believe that the illustrious Oberlin could have succeeded in working his wonderful changes in the barbarous regions of Alsace, unless he had been secluded from intercourse with civilised districts? Implicit reliance on a master mind indisposed to trench upon the liberty of his flock, was the groundwork of his success in taming barbarism, and introducing the virtues and polish without the vices and follies of civilization. Hitherto Brooke seems to have been no less blessed; and to have had proportionate success by the same means, with materials perhaps less unfavourable. But would it be within the limits of possibility for him to maintain the same beneficial sway, if he had to encounter the artifices of some, and the nonsense of other civilized men, practising on the unsuspecting nature of beings ready to welcome them as the countrymen of their best earthly friend? Oberlin's was a paternal rule. So has Brooke's been. Could any paternal sway be of avail if liable to be intercepted by the mischievous meddling of drivellers usurping an authority which the civil magistrate has only been able to controul under firm and long-established governments? Oh, may this new father of the poor Dyaks look for no other aid, under the Divine blessing, than that of a genuine helpmate in a wife devoted to him and to his glorious undertaking! Let him leave the unemployed adventurers and zealots behind him. There is plenty of occu

pation for them in this country, without troubling themselves to perplex the brains and prey on the labours of the Dyaks.

For instance: This country would be a great gainer by the more hearty co-operation of classes who are only willing to combine in extraordinary emergencies. In ordinary circumstances the landowner is jealous of the ambitious and ostentatious wealth of the manufacturer; he is nervous with apprehension for the loss of power. The manufacturer despises the landowner's narrow views and want of enterprize and science, and feels kept at a distance even when courteously treated. They are not on cordial terms. Mark the consequences. The landowner grasps every inch of land he can lay hands upon, lest he be annoyed by neighbours not of his own class. If he be already a half desolate bachelor, he aggravates the desolation by pushing his territorial boundary as far as some more convenient road, or to whatever spot may be needed for securing his prospect from speculative builders, or for any other purpose than the increase of the comforts of the great human family. If he be a family man, and has no loose cash, he still gasps for the power which land gives, as a means of providing at the public cost for the younger members of his family, and extends his possessions just in the same way, though obliged to borrow the money for effecting the object. In neither case is there employment of money for the support of those who live by labour and wages. The manufacturer, thus pinched for elbow room, crowds a toil-worn population into the smallest possible compass; so that whenever he cannot employ them, they positively have not space for eking out a subsistence. And he has then been known to punish the landowner's selfishness by sending back the pauperized workmen to the rural districts whence they have sprung, rather than allow them to be maintained where they have spent their factory wages.

What must the religion of a country be, where such a state of affairs is found? Surely not the Christian. Then let those who profess to be better acquainted with religion than their neighbours, try their hand at mending it. The cost will be much less than that of converting or perverting the

Dyaks the benefit incalculably greater. What if they should convince these two important classes of British proprietors, that the kingdom of heaven, and the consequent public weal, would be best promoted by their cordial co operation! That they might cordially co-operate is too obvious to escape the notice of the most superficial observer. The one class want room to convert their numerous dependents into safe members of the community. The other want money to render the land productive to an extent equal to the public necessities. The relief of those wants by their co-operation is the simple remedy.

Let the lovers of peace and good order send forth their missionaries over the face of the land, to secure their native country from revolutionary change, by the practice of evangelical principles. Let them preach the landowner into more willingness to part with his land; the manufacturer, to comfort the workman. Let the mutual wants-I do not mean the artificial factitious wants-of the landowner and manufacturer be made the means of conferring great blessings on the community. And that they would confer great blessings has been made plain enough from a model on a small scale at the Crewe station on the Northern railway. Instead of having his mind nearly extinguished, in too many instances, by confinement to one possibly unwholesome occupation, why should not every workman have his small piece of land, to which he may devote a few hours' labour in the course of the week?

Suppose the oft-recurring case of an accumulation of manufactured goods beyond the wants of the market; is the mill or factory to be stopped? or kept in full work at half wages rather than be stopped, till the accumulation becomes still greater, still more disheartening? No: the same amount of wages may be paid at the old rate for half a week's work; the other half the workman can employ on his ground. He will then be contented; he will have no excuse for illegal combination, nor for extorting high wages when work is plentiful. He will feel in a state of security; because, under all vicissitudes, he will be able to maintain himself, and will have a rational resource of healthy, enriching occupation,

instead of the beastly pauperizing one of the beer-shop. And will the manufacturer suffer? Certainly he will not be able to take advantage of other people's distress, by getting work done at half price. But he will gain what will be infinitely better. He will be able to return to market sooner, at a profit; and he will not have to contend with turbulent workmen in either extreme of exaltation or depression.

And how would the landowner fare? It might be true that his acreage would be reduced, to the greater profit, if he were wise, of what was left; and that he would have no occasion to resort to the barbarous protection or display of a yeomanry corps. It is possible he might meet more numerous neighbours of low degree than had been his wont. But if he had laid aside one kind of barbarism, they would have conquered another, and with the acquisition of more rational habits, they would have gained more winning manners.

Much has been spoken and written on the national advantages of railways; and if the railways can secure to the workman the facility of dividing his time between his bit of ground and the mill or factory, they will have done more for` the country, from the peer to the peasant, and will have fitted it better for profiting by the instruction of a christian ministry, than all the societies and committees and deputations which send a flaming account of the nigglements and wrigglements to the newspapers.

These, Mr. Editor, are plain, feasible, evangelical principles; because they have nothing in common with the selfish and worldly views of political economists. They are synonimous with "the kingdom of heaven and its righteousness. Let the clergy make it their business to see that "all things be added."

"THERE is no living in this world without an exchange of civil offices; and the need we have one of another, goes a great way toward the making of us love one another."L'ESTRANGE.

XC. THE SECOND ADVENT.

St. Clement, in his epistle to the Corinthians, states that "the Lord, being asked by a certain person, When his kingdom should come, answered, When two shall be one, and that which is without, as that which is within." Whether authentic or not, the saying is profound. The kingdom of heaven can only be established on earth by the union of the two; by the earth, or outer world, being assimilated to the heaven, or inner world. The case is the same with each individual, in whom the kingdom is to be established. The natural man, it is plain, is, at first, at variance with the spiritual man. The apostle complains of the two laws warring within him.* Whilst the inward man delights in the law of God-the outward man is in captivity to the law of sin. But when the truth is received in the heart, as well as in the intellect, when the will and the understanding are united in keeping the commandments;† then the two have become one; then that which is without is as that which is within; and then, and then only, the kingdom of the Lord has really come.

It would seem, therefore, that the Lord's answer according to Clement, is in perfect agreement with His reply, when asked the same question by the Pharisees :-"The kingdom of God cometh not with observation: neither shall they say, Lo here! or Lo there! for, behold, the kingdom of God is within you." They, therefore, who look for the Lord's coming, as a matter of "observation ;" who expect to see His kingdom come into the world without, by any speedier means than by its gradual establishment within, in the hearts of individuals, may find themselves labouring under as unscriptural and gross a delusion, as the Jews were, when they expected the Messiah as an earthly potentate.

XCI. CHRISTIAN UNION.

Much stir is made to bring about a formal alliance between several bodies of professing Christians: Might not a hint be

* Rom. vii. 15-23.

+ John xiv. 21.

Luke xvii. 20, 21.