Doctrine only obliged us to keep out of Europe and had no reference to Asia. But it was entirely easy for President McKinley to set aside such reasonings did he so desire.

The Secretary of State, John Hay, was influenced by the opinion of England as she had been the sole large European power on our side during the Spanish War. "The dull hostility between us and England which existed a year ago," he wrote while Ambassador, has been changed into a firm friendship. "If we give up the Philippines it will be a considerable disappointment to our English friends. . . . . . I have no doubt that Germany has been intriguing both with Aguinaldo and with Spain. They are most anxious to get a foothold there; but if they do there will be danger of grave complication with other European powers." 2

With the determination of the President, events moved forward to the Treaty of Peace which was signed on December 10, 1898. It followed the Protocol as regards Cuba, Puerto Rico and the island in the Ladrones [Guam], but it further provided for the cession of the Philippine Islands and the payment by the United States to Spain of twenty million dollars. Neither the Cuban nor the Philippine debt was assumed. McKinley had a difficult time in getting his Treaty confirmed by the Senate which considered it from January 4 to February 6, 1899, and finally ratified it by 57: 27, only one vote more than the necessary two thirds. Senator Gray signed the Treaty, advocated it in the Senate and afterwards accepted the position of judge from President McKinley. Naturally 1 Latané, 259.

'Letters of Aug. 2, Sept. 9. Life of McKinley, ii. 135.

his after-conduct does not agree with the heretofore cited opinion anent taking the Philippines; but in a newspaper interview and in his speech in the Senate for the Treaty he explained his change of mind. Both Senators Hoar and Hale, Republicans, opposed it, but Bryan came to Washington during its pendency and urged enough of Democrats to vote for it to secure its ratification."

Two days before the ratification of the Treaty, the Filipinos, whose leader Aguinaldo was exasperated at the non-establishment of a Philippine Republic with himself at the head of it, attacked the American soldiers at Manila and war began, which, with an ensuing guerilla warfare, continued for more than three years. In truth the United States had paid twenty millions for "a white elephant." It was "scarcely comprehended," wrote Dewey, "that a rebellion was included with the purIt cost the United States to subdue the Philip

chase." 4

1 Jan. 20, 1899; Jan. 31, Feb. 1, 1899, New York Tribune. "Life of McKinley, ii. 139; George F. Hoar, Autobiography, ii. 322; Latané, 77.

...

The following I believe to be the truth about the much disputed question, who began the actual hostilities: "About 8.30 on the night of February 4, four Filipinos approached within five yards of an American outpost near the San Juan bridge and, ignoring the command to halt, were fired upon by the sentry. A Filipino detachment near by returned the fire and the firing soon became general along the entire line. The Filipinos at that particular hour were unprepared for attack or defence. The expected battle came when they were off their guard, most of the higher officers being absent at Malolos.". The Philippines, Charles B. Elliott (1916), i. 452. J. A. Le Roy wrote: "The strained condition of affairs between the American and Filipino forces, having reached a climax, virtually brought on trouble of itself; a subordinate Filipino officer, unchecked by the discipline of his superiors, was the chief deus ex machina of the affray of February 4; the American authorities in Manila, having taken a more positive stand at the close of that week regarding encroachments upon their line, let loose the dogs of war they had been holding ready, and promptly followed up the provocation given.” The Americans in the Philippines (1914), J. A. Le Roy, ii. 16.

Autobiography, 284.

pine insurgents nearly one hundred and seventy millions,' while the cost of the Spanish War was three hundred million. The one was attended with glory, the other with apology, despite the splendid results accruing from our rule.

5

Nearly all writers agree that the annexation of Hawaii' was brought on by the Spanish-American War, and by the taking of the Philippines. Hawaii, wrote John W. Foster, was a link in the chain of our possessions in the Pacific. Like Cuba it had long been coveted by some American officials and a crisis occurring in January, 1893, furnished the fit occasion. "The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe, and this is the golden hour for the United States to pluck it," wrote our minister. A revolution, assisted by the United States forces, took place; the corrupt and despotic government of the Queen was overthrown and a provisional government established in its place. This government at once despatched a Commission to Washington with a treaty of annexation which had the thorough sympathy of President Harrison, who on February 14, 1893, signed it and submitted it to the Senate. The Treaty was favorably reported but, before action could

1 Peck, 615; Senate docs., 57th Cong. 1st Sess. no. 416. June 20, 1902. * Life of McKinley, ii. 112.

"The Hawaiian Islands constitute a group of several islands in the mid Pacific having a total area of 6449 square miles. According to the United States census of 1900 their total population was 154,001 (or, deducting 274 persons in the military and naval service of the United States, 153,727). The latter number was made up of 61,122 Chinese, 25,742 Japanese, 29,834 Hawaiians, 7835 part Hawaiians, 28,533 Americans, 407 South Sea Islanders, and 254 Negroes.” — Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies of the United States, 61.

American Diplomacy in the Orient, 384.

'February 1, 1893. Pres. Cleveland's message of Dec. 18, 1893. Richardson, ix. 464.

be taken on it, Cleveland became President and during March, 1893, withdrew it; in his special message of December 18, 1893, he gave the reason for this withdrawal and for his subsequent action. Believing that a grievous wrong had been done to the government of the Queen by the United States forces, he endeavored to restore her to her preexisting power, but his movement was defeated by the recalcitrant action of the Queen herself. With his sturdy sense of justice Cleveland could do no other than permanently to withdraw the treaty of annexation, but his attempt to restore the Queen was at the time unpopular and does not now merit approval. As the United States would not have Hawaii and the Queen's government was impossible, the revolutionary parties established a republican form of government which was recognized by the Powers, including the United States. This new government administered affairs "through a period of four years," so John W. Foster wrote, "in which the country enjoyed unexampled peace and prosperity. Never before in its history had there been such honesty in administration, such economy in expenditures, such uniform justice in the enforcement of the laws and respect for the officials, such advance in education and such encouragement of commerce and protection to life and property."

1

When McKinley became President Hawaii was annexed by joint resolution of Congress. This form was used as

1 Foster was Secretary of State under Harrison at the time the treaty of annexation was presented.

? American Diplomacy in the Orient, 381.

A treaty of annexation was signed June 16, 1897, and submitted the same day to the Senate, which body removed the injunction of secrecy on it the next day. - Senate Jour., 55th Cong. 1st Sess., 181, 183.

doubt existed whether a two-thirds vote for the ratification of a treaty could be secured in the Senate. "What is to be thought of a body," wrote John Hay in a private letter from London, "which will not take Hawaii as a gift and is clamoring to hold the Philippines?" But on July 7, 1898, Hawaii became part of the United States by a two-thirds vote in both Houses, a little over two months after Dewey's victory at Manila.

Had it not been for the foreshadowed policy in regard to the Philippines, it was a case of let well enough alone. A good government under a republican form was functioning in Hawaii and it was taking too great a risk to annex territory 2089 miles away.3

"The story of alternating 'booms' and panics," wrote Noyes, "is largely the story of modern industrial progress." Those who believe in the periodicity of panics and recovery therefrom may note with elation that it was twenty years from the panic of 1873 to that of 1893, and twenty years from the "boom" of 1879 to that of 1899. As in the earlier case, recovery began sooner than was generally appreciated and is placed by Noyes in the middle of 1897.5 Certain it is that the revival would have been in full swing had it not been for the Spanish War. War is a disturbing factor in finance and business and, when it was declared, no one would have dared to prophesy its brief duration. The "boom" year of 1899 resembles that of 1879. Both were the result of recupera

1 May 27, 1898, Life of Hay, Thayer, ii. 170. Foster, 383.

'Authorities: Foster; Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies of the United States; Cleveland's special message of Dec. 18, 1893; Peck.