discussion. The representatives of Great Britain, Germany, France, Austria-Hungary, Russia, and Italy called upon the President and presented a joint note, appealing to "the feelings of humanity and moderation of the President and of the American people" and expressing the hope "that further negotiations will lead to an agreement which, while securing the maintenance of peace, will afford all necessary guarantees for the reëstablishment of order in Cuba."

Some doubt was expressed of the propriety of receiving such a communication, the United States never having been accustomed to take dictation from Europe. But in this, as in other matters, the President relied upon his natural tact and courtesy. He received the delegation with perfect friendliness and cordiality and answered them with a reply, carefully prepared in advance, which left no doubt of the intention of the United States to end a situation that had become insufferable, without asking the permission of any other nation, nor of the fact that the President had made up his mind that intervention was the only real way to "fulfill a duty to humanity."

The reply was as follows:

"The Government of the United States recognizes the good-will which has prompted the friendly

communication of the representatives of Germany, Austria-Hungary, France, Great Britain, Italy, and Russia, as set forth in the address of your Excellencies, and shares the hope therein expressed that the outcome of the situation in Cuba may be the maintenance of peace between the United States and Spain by affording the necessary guaranties for the reëstablishment of order in the island, so terminating the chronic condition of disturbance there, which so deeply injures the interests and menaces the tranquillity of the American nation by the character and consequences of the struggle thus kept up at our doors, besides shocking its sentiment of humanity.

"The Government of the United States appreciates the humanitarian and disinterested character of the communication now made on behalf of the powers named, and for its part is confident that equal appreciation will be shown for its own earnest and unselfish endeavors to fulfill a duty to humanity by ending a situation the indefinite prolongation of which has become insufferable."

The message to Congress which it was understood would be sent on the 4th was postponed until the 6th and again held back, so that it did not go in until April II. The interval of eleven days was marked by another exhibition of the President's

firmness and courage. Congress was now in a pugnacious mood, both Senators and Representatives clamoring for a declaration of war. President McKinley well knew that his reputation was at stake. If Congress should declare war over his head he would not only be personally humiliated, but the nation would appear before the world as divided against itself. He would, in that case, be forced to conduct the war apparently against his will, and whether he won or lost, his whole political career would be ruined. He knew, too, that no one else is so popular as the hero of a great war. Here was an opportunity to win the plaudits of millions by a vigorous assertion of patriotic purposes and to gain lasting renown as a military leader through the conduct of a war in which victory would be almost certain. But McKinley was as heedless of personal considerations as he had been when he carried the message of General Crook on the battlefield of Opequan. No thought of self ever marred his devotion to duty. While Congressmen stormed and threatened, without knowing the real progress of affairs, McKinley quietly but aggressively pushed his preparations for war and at the same time held back the ever-increasing pressure while he exhausted the last chance to obtain a peaceful solution. A small group of his closest friends, including Vice-President Hobart,

Senators Hanna, Spooner, Platt (of Connecticut), Aldrich, McMillan, Frye, Fairbanks and others watched the situation daily to see if they could muster strength enough in the Senate to sustain a veto in case a war resolution should be prematurely passed. A certain bellicose Senator of great influence went to the Department of State one day in a furor because the message had not been sent in, and shaking his fists exclaimed," Day, by, don't your President know where the war-declaring power is lodged? Tell him by, that if he doesn't do something, Congress will exercise the power."

Even the Secretary of War, who was personally loyal, so far forgot himself as to go to the Vice-President's room in the Capitol and there say with great earnestness to a Senator: "I want you to advise the President to declare war. He is making a great mistake. He is in danger of ruining himself and the Republican Party by standing in the way of the people's wishes. Congress will declare war in spite of him. He'll get run over and the party with him." The Senator replied, "I am sorry I can't agree with you. The President knows exactly what he is doing. There is no more sagacious man in the country. I advise you to stand by him and he'll bring us through all right."

One morning in April the Cabinet room of the

White House was filled with Senators, Representatives, and others, most of them vehemently urging the President to send to Congress his message of intervention. They begged, implored, and threatened. They declared he would ruin his reputation if he delayed another day. The President sat at his desk and before him lay the message, complete, and awaiting his signature. He said that Consul-General Lee had informed him that the lives of Americans in Cuba would be endangered if a declaration of war were made before they could leave and that he was expecting a message from General Lee advising him of their safety. Regarding this as an evasion, some of those in the room continued their clamoring for war, when a cipher cablegram arrived. It brought the news from Lee that many Americans were still in danger. The President felt the strain of the tremendous pressure that was being brought to bear upon him and showed it in the pallor of his face, but he rose to his feet, and pounding the table with his fist, said: "That message shall not go to Congress as long as there is a single American life in danger in Cuba. Here" - turning to his Secretary - "put that in the safe till I call for it."

On the 11th of April, the fateful message was finally presented to Congress. After a full and careful review of all the considerations which justified