well known, that the neighbouring State on board of ship; they must not act; they has invariably possessed the undisputed must do no seaman's duty; or, they must, right of giving them protection, and of in according to our own doctrine, lately exJisting them in its service ?- Why, there-emplified at Horsemonger Lane, be TŘAIfore, should we deem it a crime in America, TORS, worthy of being hanged, ripped whose abundance of lands and provisions, up, and cut in quarters.

His Royal whose high price of labour, and whose Highness's Declaration says, that allegihappiness to the lower orders of mankind, ance to his father and his successors begins hold out their arms to the whole world with a man's birth and ends but with his

And here I cannot help introducing a death. And, is it not the same with Ameremark upon the proposition, made by Lord rican citizens? Do they not owe similar Castlereagh to Mr. Russell, that the Ameri- allegiance to their country? Or is it about can Government should stipulate to deliver to be pretended, that none but kings can up all British seamen in the service of Ame- claim this sort of allegiance ?-I do not ricans. Mr. Russell is said to have ex- think that any one, even of the writers in pressed himself as having been shocked at the Times and Courier, will have the imputhis proposition, which has afforded an dence to set up this doctrine'; but, this they abundant theme of abuse of him by our must do before they can make out any good hireling writers. But, I have no scruple ground of charge against the Americans for to say, that I firmly believe, that it is a having demanded, as a preliminary, the surproposition that never was before made to render of the impressed American seamen. any independent State; even to the most Captain Dacres, in accounting for the petty State of Germany. There was a loss of his Frigate, expressly states, that plan, some years ago, in agitation amongst he had many Americans on board, whom he the States of Europe, for putting in force a permitted to be spectators, from a reluctance mutual surrender of each other's subjects, to compel them to fight against their counwhereupon the Abbé Raynal remarks, that, try. And, can the reader believe, that this if it had gone into effect, each of the seve- was the only instance in which native Ameral Stales might have taken the motto of ricans were unwillingly serving on board of Danté over the entrance to his infernal re- British ships of war? What, then, again gions: "He who enters here leaves even I ask, must be the state of those Ameri

hope behind." He represents it as the cans? And, what are we to think of those utmost stretch of tyranny; a point, he says, writers, who abuse Mr. Russell for proposwhich the world ought to perish rather ing to us their surrender as a step prelimithan reach. And, therefore, though Lord nary to any further arrangement ? --The Castlereagh's proposition did not go this Declaration complains, that America delength ; though it was confined to British manded the abandonment of the practice of seamen, we have no reason to abuse Mr. impressment as a preliminary to her passRussell for his expression. It will be ing a law to prevent British seamen froin said, may be, that Mr. Russell was order being received on board her ships. The ed to stipulate for the surrender, on our hireling writers have treated this demand part, of all American seainen. Aye; but as something too insolent to be for a mothe difference is, that Mr. Russell proposed ment listened to. The “ DECLARATION' the surrender of those only who had been does not treat it in this lofty style; but it impressed by us; whereas we wanted to speaks of it in pretty strong terms, as thus : stipulate for the surrender of those British "The proposal of an armistice, and of seamen who had gone into America of simultaneous repeal of the restrictive their own free will. We wanted to have " measures on both sides, subsequently surrendered to us, men who were employed “ made by the commanding officer of His in American Merchant ships; they wanted " Majesty's naval forces on the American us to surrender men, whom we had seized 6 coast, were received in the same hostile in their ships and forced into our men of “ spirit by the Government of the United war.But, is it possible, that any one “States.' The suspension of the practice can find any thing to object to in a request, " of impressment was insisted upon in the that, as a preliminary, we should give up correspondence which passed on that octhe Americans, whom we had impressed " casion, as a necessary preliminary to a into our service ? What is the state of " cessation of hostilities. Negociation, it those men, now on board of our ships of " was stated, might take place without any war? What is their state? Has the reader“ suspension of the exercise of this right, reflected upon this? They must be useless" and also without any armistice being con



cluded: but Great Britain was required against the injuries she has received from previously to agree, without any know- France, the "DECLARATION," this "me“ ledge of the adequacy of the system which" morable document," as the Courier 6 could be substituted, to negociate upon calls it, concludes thus:---" This disposi6: the basis of accepting the legislalive regu- tion of the Government of the United #lations of a foreign State, as the sole " States--this complete subserviency to the

equivalent for the exercise of a right," Ruler of France---this hostile temper 6 which she has fell to be' essential to the " towards Great Britain-are evident in

support of her maritime power.“ almost every page of the official corresWell, and what then? A rightit is “ pondence of the American with the called again; but, is America denied it to • French Government.

-Against this be a right, as she has uniformly done, what course of conduct, the real cause of the wonder was there that she made the

propo- present war, the Prince Regent solemnsition? Great Britain might" feel," ihoughly protests. Whilst contending against I should have chosen the word " deem," as “ France, in defence not only of the libersmacking less of the boarding school Miss's "ries of Great Britain, BUT OF THE style; Great Britain might feel,if feel" WORLD, His Royal Highness was enshe must, that the practice complained of" titled to look for a far different result. was essential to the support of her mari- * From their common originfrom their time power; but, did it hevce follow, that " conunon interest-from their professed America, and that impressed Americans," principles of freedom and independence, should like the practice the beider for that! is the United States were the last power, We have so long called ourselves the deli- sin which Great Britain could have exverer's of the world, that wc, at last, liave “pected to find a willing instrument, and fallen into the babit of squaring up all our "abellor of French Tyranny.- -Disapideas to that appellation; and seem sur- "pointed in this just expectation, the prised that there should be any nation in the Prince Regent will still pursue the poworld inclined to wish for the diminution " licy which the British Government has of our power.---- The Americans, however," so long, and invariably maintained, in clearly appear to see the thing in a different " repelling injustice, and in supporting light. They, in their homc-spun way, call " the general rights of nations ; and, unus any thing but deliverers; and, it inůst " der the favour of PROVIDENCE, rebe confessed, that, whatever may be our “ lying on the justice of liis cause, and the general propensity, we do not scem to have "tried loyalty and firmness of the Britisha been in hasie to deliver impressed Ameri- “ Nation, His Royal Highness coufidently can seamen. That one nation ought not " looks forward to a sliccessful issue to the to yield a right, depending for compensation" contest, in which he has thus been comsolely upon the legislative provisions of a " pelled most reluctantly to engage."foreign State, is very true; but, if the right The last paragraph is in the old style, and be doubtful; if it be unsupported by any will hardly fail to remind Mr. Madison of law, principle, maxiin, or custom, then the the documents of this kind, issued about case is different; and then, indeed, the offer six-and-thirty years ago. However, the of a legislative provision is a proof of a sin- style is none the worse for being old; cere desire to accommodate. If my view though one cannot but recollect the occaof the matter be right, and I verily believe sion upon which it was formerly used.it is, this is the light in which that offer I regret, however, to find, in this solemn ought to be viewed; and I most decply document, a distinct charge against the lament that it was not thus viewed American Governmeni of " subserviency to by the ministers. These lamenta- " the Ruler of France ;” because, after a tions, however, are now useless. The very attentive perusal of all the correspondsound of war

forth : statement and ence between the American and French reasoning are exhausted: the sword is 10 Governments, I do not find any thing, decide whether England is, or is not, to which, in my opinion, justifies the charge. impress, at the discretion of her naval | The truth is, that the Ruler of France" officers, persons on board American mer- gave way in the inost material point to the chant ships on the high seas. There is remonstrances of America ; and, I have one passage more in the “ DECLARATION, never yet read a Message of Mr. Madison, upon which I cannot refrain from subunit at the opening of a Session of Congress, in ting a remark or two. After stating, that which he did not complain of the conduct America has made only feeble remonstrances of France. The Americans abhor an al

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liance with France; and, if they form | remember that it was urged with great such an alliance, it will have been occa- force in favour of American submission to sioned by this war with us. - This charge be taxed by an English parliament; but, of subserviency to Buonaparté lias a thou- as the result showed, with as little efect sand times been preferred against Mr. Ma- as it possibly can be upon this occasion. dison, but never, that I have seen, once - There is one thing in this “ calling proved. It is, indeed, the charge which cousin,as the saying is, that I do not we have been in the habit of preferring much like. The calling cousin always against all those powers, who have been at proceeds from us. The Americans never war with us : Spain, Holland, Prussia, remind us, that we are of the sanje origin Denmark, Sweden, and, though last not with them. This is a bad sign on our least, Russia, as will be seen by a refer- side. It is we, and not tliey, who tell ence to Mr. Canning's answer to the pro- the world of the relationship. In short, positions from Tilsit.-- " Subserviency it is well enough for a news paper to re"to the Ruler of France !” We stop the mind them of their origin; but, I would American Merchantmen upon the high not have done it in a solemn Declaration seas ; we take out many of their own na- especially when I was accusing them of tive scamen ; we force them on board of being the willing instrument and abettor our men of war; we send them away 10 of our enemy, " Common interest.' the East Indies, the West Indies, or the That, indeed, was a point to dwell on; Mediterranean; we expose them to all the but, then, it was necessary to produce hardships of such a life and all the dangers something, at least, in support of the proof battle, in a war in which they have no position. The Americans will query the concern : all this we do, for we do not fact ; and, indeed, they will fatly deny deny it; and, when,

when, after MANY it. They will say, for they have said, YEARS of remonstrances, the American that it is not for their interest, that we Government arms and sends forth its sol- should have more power than we now have diers and sailors to compel us to desist, over the sea; and, that they have much we accuse that Government of " subser- more to dread from a great naval power, "viency to the Ruler of France," who, than fro:n an'overgrown power on the Conwhatever else he may have done, has 1307, tinent of Europe. They are in no fear of that I have ever heard, given the Ameri- the Emperor Napoleon, whose fleets they cans reason to complain of impressments are now a match for; but, they are in from on board their ships. Many unjust some fear of us; and, therefore, they do acts he appears to have comwitted towards not wish to see us stronger. It is in the Americans ; but he has wisely abstain- vain to tell them, that we are fighting in ed from impressments, which, as I have defence of the ci liberties of the world.all along said, was the only ground upon They understand this matter full as well which the people of America could have as we do, and, perhaps, a little better. I been prevailed upon to enter heartily into should like to see this proposition attempta war with any power: it is a popular ed to be proved. I should like to hear ground : the war is in the cause of the my Lord Castlereagh, beginning with the people : accordingly, we find the mottó to Declaration against the Republicans of the war is : " Liberty of the seas and sea- France, continue on the history of our “ men's rights." - I, therefore, regret hostilities to the present day, taking in exceedingly, that the "DECLARATION" those of India by way of episode, and constyles America " a willing instrument and cluding with the war for the right of im. só'abellor of French tyranny." It is a pressment, enake it out, how we have been heavy charge ; it is one that will stick and are defending the liberties of the world, close to the memory of those who support I dare say that his Lordship could the war; it will tend to inflaine, rather make it out clearly enough. ihan allay, the angry passions ; and, of pretend to question the faci or his ability: course, it will tend io kill all hopes of a but, it would be at once instructive and enterspeedy reconciliation. As to what the taining to hear how he would do it. " DECLARATION" is pleased to say about " Froin their professed principles of freethe " common origin" of the two nations,

66 dom." From these the “ Declaraif of any weight, it might be urged, I sup- TION"

says, that His Royal Highness pose, with full as much propriety by the expected the United States would have Aunericans against our impressments, as it been the last power to become a willing is now urged against their resistance. 1 instrument of French tyranny. Very lrue:

I do not

of French tyranny: but, that did not distance ; but, they are a reading and an hinder him from expecting them to be the observing and a calculating people ; and, enemy of impressing men from on board I'll engage, that there is not a farmer in their ships; and, it should have been the back States who is not able to give a shown how this disposition proved them to pretty good account of the blessings of be a willing instrument of French tyranny, English liberly." —Besides, leaving or of any tyranny at all.---It is use this quite out of the question; supposing Jess to revile; it is useless to fly off that the Americans should think us freemen to other matter. We impress men on and the French slaves, why should that board of American ships upon the high circumstance prevent them froin leaning to seas; we take out (110 matter whether the side of France ? What examples of by mistake or otherwise) American sea- the effect of such morality amongst nations nien as well as English; we force them to have the Regent's ministers to produce ? figlit on board our ships ; we punish them How often have we seen close alliances beif they disobey. And, when they, after tween free and despotic states against states years of complaints and remonstrances, either free or despotic? How often have take up arms in the way of resistance, we we been on the side of despots against free tell them ihat they show theipselves the States ? England was once in offensive willing instruments and abettors of French alțiance with France against Holland; Holtyranny.I wish sincerely that this land and France agaiust England; and, it passage had been omitted. There are ought never to be forgotten, that England, other parts of the “ DECLARATION" that I not many years ago, favoured the invasion do not like; but this part appears to me of Holland and the subjugation of the States likely to excite a great deal of ill-will; of General by a Prussian army. Have we lasting, of ruoted, ill-will. I do not not formed alliances with Prussia, Austria, like the word " professed,” as applied to Russia, Spain, Naples, and all the pelly the American principles of freedom. The princes of Germany against the Republic meaning of that word, as here applied, of France ? Nay, have we refused, in cannot be equivocal, and assuredly would that war, the co-operation of Turkey and have been better left out, especially as we Algiers? And, as for the old Papa of never see, in any of the Awerican docu- Rome,“ the Whore of Babylon," as our ments, any expressions of the kind applied teachers call him, his alliance has been to us and to our Government.- But, to accounted holy by us, and his person an také another view of the matter, why object of our peculiar care and protection. should His Royal Highness expect the Why, then, are we to expect, that Americans to be disinclined towards France, America is to refrain from consulting her because they prosess principles of freedom interests, if they be favoured by a leaning Why should he, on this account, expect towards France ? Why is she to be shut that they would lean to our side in the out from the liberty of forming connexions war?___ Does the Declaration mean to with a despotism, supposing a despotism say, that the Government of France is more now to exist in France ?The truth is, tyrannical than was that monarchy, for the that, in this respect, as in private life, it restoration of which a league was made in is interest alone that guides and that must Europe in the years 1792 and 1793 ? From guide ; and, in my mind, it is not more ils tone, the Declaration may be construed reasonable to expect America to lean on to mean, that our Government is more free our side on account of the nature of the than that of France, and that, therefore, Government of our enemy, than it would we might have expected the Americans, be to expect a Presbyterian to sell his sugar who prosess principles of freedom, to be to a Churchman, because the only man on our side in a contest against " French that bade him a higher price was a Calyranny.'

-Hem! Mum !---Well, tholic.--Here I should stop; but, an well! We will say nothing about the article, upon the same subject, in the matter ; but, it must be clear to every Morning Chronicle of the 13th instant, one, that the Americans may have their calls for observation.-Upon the falseown opinion upon the subject; and, they hoods and impudence of the Times and the may express il 100, until we can get at Courier, that is to say, the principal prints them with an Er - Officio. They may have on the side of the Wellesley party and that their own opinion upon the matter; and of the Ministers, I have remarked often their opinion may possibly differ from enough. I was anxious to hear what the ours. They are, to be sure, at, a great Whigs had to say, and here we have it.


Mr. Ponsonby and Mr. Brougham had" because summary, and because it is subpledged themselves to support the war, "ject to no revisal —to no adjudicationif America was not satisfied with the repeal" and because the individual seized has no of the Orders in Council; and here we " means of redress. By this sort of reahave the grounds of that support.

On " soning there is a tacit admission on the this account the article is interesting, and," part of America, that it is not to the act of course, worthy of an attentive perusal." itself which they object so much as

" Notwithstanding the tedious length to the manner of the act ; and accord" of the papers on both sides, the question“ ingly we see various surgestions made by “ between the Court of London and the “ Americans, for entering into an amicable « Government of the United States is sim- “ discussion on the means of getting over “ ply the right of impressment of seamen on the outrageous way in which the right is " board trading ships and this is in truth " exercised, and of giving security to both o the sole cause of the war.--If we were to nations against the abuse in question. “ examive the value of this cause to the “ On the other side, Lord Castlereagha de“ two parties, it cannot be denied but that “ clares the readiness of the British Go" to the Americans il is exceedingly slight, “ vernment to receive and discuss any pro" and to the British highly material. The " position on this subject coining from the " Americans cannot regard it as an insult, " Ainerican Government; though he would " because it is a right which has been at all “ not enter into a negociation, a prelimi" limes asserted and acquiesced in by Sove“ nary to which should be the concession " reign States respectively. Then viewed" of this right, and so far we think he was

as an injury what is it? That they shall“ clearly right.- - But is it not monstrous

go to war to prevent British subjects who " that two people of comman origin, and of " have forfeited their allegiance, abandon-" almost inseparable interests, should re"sed their country, and left their families" main at war on a point upon which there “ probably starving, from being impressed " is so little difference between them?

on board their merchant vessels-that is “ Surely without any sacrifice of etiquette, “ to say; they claim the right to afford an either side, the expedients might be “ asylum and employ the refuse of the Bri- " canvassed, by which this mighty cause of “ tish navy-men without principle, for it " war might be removerl. Let each party " is only the profligate that are likely to be "promulgate their thoughts on the subject, “come the objects of their protection. In " and if there be an honest disposition to " this view, then, the point is of little peace, it must fcelow.

-The argument consequence to the Americans, but it is" on both sides is short, and may be put " interesting to the British to assert the " in a few words. The agreement ought

power inherent in every State to reclaim to be so drawn as to make it must dan“ its subjects; and the time may come gerous to the Captain of an American “ when the principle would be equally im- "ship to employ a British seaman on board; $ portant to America herself. But, say " and, on the other side, to make it equally fi the American Ministers, it is not so “ dangerous for a British Captain to seize “ much the right itself, as the violent and " and carry off an American seaman, under “ insulting mode of exercising it that we pretext of his being a Britisha subject. “ complain of; for we have upon reflection " Or, in other words, it ought to be made "agreed in the principle of international“ their interest to abstain from those two * law, that free bottoms do not make free " causes of national offence. Various modes. “ goods, and therefore we have no objec- " have been suggested for this purpose. " tion to the search of our merchant ships “ The most effectual undoubtedly would " for contraband of war; but in that case, " be to ordain by a treaty, that the sub« whenever warlike stores, &c. are found “jects of each power, if found on board " on board an American vessel, she is de-" the merchants' vessels of the other, “ tained and carried into a pori, for adju- " should be considered in the nalure of con* dication by a competent Court. Whe- " traband of war, inasmuch as their na

ther the adjudication be always impartial "tural Sovereign was thereby deprived of * or not is another affair, but in this re- “their service in war, and ihat that 4 nations are on an equal footing, and" should be a cause to detain the vessel for ti these Admiralty Courts, well or ill-con- “ adjudication. By this the American * ducted, are recognized by all maritime “Captain or his owners would most seri« nations. But with respect to the im" ously suffer by having British seamen on

pressment of seamen, the act is violent board; and, on the other hand, the Bri


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